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OPINION AND ANALYSIS

OPINION: Why Germany’s energy relief payouts are no fix for inadequate social security

The German government wants to ease the cost of living crisis with measures like the €9 travel ticket and one-off allowances. But Brian Melican says Germany would be better off making a benefits system fit for purpose and getting people out of poverty.

An employee at a food bank, known as the Tafel in Germany, carries a box full of fruit and vegetables.
An employee at a food bank, known as the Tafel in Germany, carries a box full of fruit and vegetables. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Felix Kästle

It’s a well-researched fact that poverty forces people to make poor financial choices. Those who have ready money are able to buy consumables in bulk, cutting costs per unit, and purchase durables of higher quality, which last longer and so give better value over their service life.  Everyone’s heard of the example of footwear: wealthy individuals can afford expensive shoes; those on a tight budget have to buy cheaper ones which wear out faster. The result is that, over their lifetime, they end up spending a higher percentage of their income on shoes than those with better financial resources. 

There is also plenty of research showing that many households on the breadline are aware of false economies – disparagingly referred to as a Milchmädchenrechnung (“milkmaid maths”) – and so try to save up to make bulk buys and invest in higher-quality goods. The problem is that the small sums of money they are able to put aside have a tendency to suddenly get swallowed up elsewhere: something breaks, gets lost or stolen; an unexpected bill needs to be paid. Generally, it isn’t profligacy which thwarts poorer consumers, but unforeseen circumstances.

Long-term unemployed have little to live on

Despite the extensive body of research already available on this, for the last two decades, Germany has been conducting a large-scale field study into the effects of poverty. Yes, it’s been almost exactly 20 years since the Hartz Commission first published its recommendations for the sweeping reforms to Germany’s welfare state enacted in 2005. Since then, the long-term unemployed have been kept on a regime so measly that, five years later, a ruling from our highest court declared it partially unconstitutional. 

A sign at the entrance of the Agentur für Arbeit or Job Centre in Stuttgart.

A sign at the entrance of the Agentur für Arbeit or Job Centre in Stuttgart. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Christoph Schmidt

For many of us immigrants to Germany, this fact is surprising, shocking even. The country’s reputation abroad is that of a wealthy, comfortable society with high taxation and high social spending – a sort of Scandinavia-light, if you will. What is more, most of us have come to Germany to work: our skills are in demand and few of us remain jobless for more than a few months, during which unemployment benefits are indeed generous.

It’s once they run out that things get tight: if you’ve had the misfortune of being out of work for more than a couple of years, you end up on “Hartz IV”, as basic income support is known, and have €449 a month to live off of. The state pays your health insurance contributions and gives you housing benefit (but only up to a certain threshold), and also covers your heating and water bills. It doesn’t, however, pay for electricity, and even a cursory glance at the way the monthly total is calculated reveals that, no, you won’t have enough left over to buy good shoes: for 2022, the commission which sets the benefit has earmarked €37.26 monthly for clothing; another €38.07 is budgeted for electricity, and €40.47 for transport. (Incidentally, “hostelry services” – i.e. the pub – is pegged at €11.73; life-long learning comes in at €1.62.)

EXPLAINED: Why are Hartz IV benefits so controversial in Germany?

Even in happier times, these sums never left much room for manoeuvre and, as these monthly budgets are only re-assessed every few years, they don’t take account of sudden price rises. As such, in January, Hartz IV went up by €3, or 0.67 percent, from €446 to €449, at a time when inflation was already running at over five percent. That, of course, was still before the invasion of the Ukraine and China’s crazy lockdowns. Now that, to put no too finer point on it, the shit has really hit the fan and prices for everything are skyrocketing, this paltry rise looks downright miserly.

Energy relief measures don’t fix 20 years of meagre state support

Getting a grasp of these figures is an important precondition to understanding why there is a sudden race on in Berlin to introduce all manner of special pay-outs, discounts, hardship clauses etc. In early February, the gas price spike led to a one-off energy relief subsidy for low-income households and the abolition of renewable energy levies on electricity; after that, there were Finance Minister Christian Lindner’s plans to slash the cost of fuel, then the €9 season tickets, then this, then that… 

Yet what might, at first glance, look like a proportionate, perhaps even generous response to a cost-of-living crisis needs to be put in the context of two decades in which a not insubstantial proportion of German society has been kept on a pittance: even before the world went bonkers, many were frequently unable to maintain even a basic standard of living. Besides the poor souls on Hartz IV, there are the elderly ladies living on pensions which amount to even less and the ranks of the working poor, who had to wait until 2015 even for a minimum wage to be introduced – one that is, at €9.50 per hour, one of Europe’s lowest (and is now hurriedly being raised to €10.45). I recently read that, in the last year prior to Corona, 7,986 households in Hamburg had their electricity switched off because they couldn’t afford the bills; even in 2021, during a worldwide pandemic the state government considered so dangerous that it kept everything closed for nearly six months, it allowed 6,821 non-payers to be taken off the juice. 

READ ALSO: German food banks struggle to cope with rising demand

An employee of the VAG (Verkehrs-Aktiengesellschaft Nürnberg) presents a printed draft of the €9 ticket.

An employee of the VAG (Verkehrs-Aktiengesellschaft Nürnberg) presents a printed draft of the €9 ticket. The ticket is one of the government measures to east the cost of living crisis for people in Germany. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Daniel Karmann

So those on Hartz IV will no doubt be delighted to learn that they are now due a €100 special one-off hand-out (“Don’t spend it all at once!”) and an extra €20 per month per minor in the household (“Won’t somebody please think of the children?”). They can put that aside to pay what is likely to be a vastly increased electricity bill: unless, of course, their shoes wear out, their fridge breaks down, or they’re unfortunate enough to lock themselves out of their flat (my neighbour did that last weekend and it cost him way north of €100…).

What’s astonishing about all of this is that, since the beginning of the pandemic, the state has been splashing money around to a degree that, until 2020, would have had fiscally-conservative German economists up in arms. Moreover, substantial portions of this most recent splurge are not even targeted: I and millions of others who could easily afford to pay for a full monthly season ticket will now be benefitting from a hefty state subsidy every time we get on the bus. The bewildering array of measures announced since January will add several percentage points to our national debt, and yet no-one seems particularly concerned. On the other hand, for two decades now, society’s poorest have been grudgingly allocated meagre sums calculated down to the very last cent – because, apparently, the previous benefits system was costing the country too much. 

I think what is actually costing us is poverty. As we enter an age of permanent crisis, it should be a priority to make sure that even society’s most disadvantaged can afford to keep up a basic standard of living every month, rather than having to be continually bailed out whenever a zoonotic pathogen sweeps over us or some crack-pot dictator goes bananas. Our bargain-basement benefits are a false economy, and this sudden shower of one-off hand-outs is a classic Milchmädchenrechnung. Like a good pair of shoes, in the long run, adequate social security would represent better value.

Member comments

  1. Brian, I am not a fan of 50% of my income being taken away each month and used to cover ‘basic’ living for those as you say, have been jobless for years…..Unemployment in 2020 was 4%, currently businesses are not running at full capacity because they can not find entry labour…… I don’t sense the same symphony as you are looking for in this article, there is employment to be had, i didn’t sign up to support an army of immigrants unemployed for years as you shared in your article.

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OPINION AND ANALYSIS

OPINION: How bureaucracy is slowly killing Germany

Germany is struggling so much under the weight of bureaucracy that it would take even more red tape to make things better, writes Jörg Luyken. Is there any hope for the beleaguered Bundesrepublik?

OPINION: How bureaucracy is slowly killing Germany

In the summer of 2022, I attended a Q&A session that Olaf Scholz held with members of the public in the city of Magdeburg. Coming only a few months after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, most of the questions centred on sanctions, energy costs and Berlin’s response to the war.

But the response I found most revealing was on the dull topic of tax reform.

An audience member asked Scholz why the VAT rate on dog food is seven percent but on baby food it is 19 percent. Parts of the system “don’t seem very coherent to me,” the man said with obvious understatement.

READ ALSO: Bureaucracy and high taxes: Why Germany is becoming less attractive for business

“I don’t think you’ll find anyone who understands the list of VAT exceptions,” Scholz replied with a grin, adding that “at any rate I don’t understand it.”

“But I can tell you that all attempts to change it have ended in a massive disaster,” he continued. “If we were to lay an empty table today, we would definitely do differently. But the system is there now and I think we will have to live with it for a while yet.”

It was a fascinating answer. Essentially, Scholz admitted that there are some regulations that are so complex that no one really understands them anymore. But trying to simplify them just isn’t worth the effort.

It reminded me of a story I once heard about Cairo’s famously dysfunctional traffic system.

Legend has it that Egypt invited a group of Japanese planners to come up with a way to fix it. But the Japanese were so befuddled by what they found that they advised the Egyptians to leave things exactly as they were. The system was so confusing that any attempt to tamper with it might only make things worse.

A similar thing could be said of Germany’s regulatory system. It can be contradictory and infuriatingly slow, but open the can of worms of trying to simplify it and you will probably live to regret it.

private pension plans spain

VAT is just one more confusing piece of German bureaucracy. Photo: Mathieu Stern/Unsplash

Summer snow and other oddities of German red tape

VAT serves as a notorious example. But, wherever you look in German life, you will find egregious cases of sprawling and overlapping regulations.

A few amusing examples:

In August 2022, the town of Esslingen in Baden-Württemberg wanted to organise a summer fête to help local restaurants get back on their feet after Covid. The idea was to build temporary food huts that restaurants could rent cheaply. But planning authorities insisted the huts be built to take the weight of heavy snowfall – during a month with average temperatures of 19C. The fête went ahead, but the eventual costs were “exorbitant,” city officials said.

Last winter, the town of Tübingen acted on an appeal from the federal government to cut gas usage. They decided to switch off street lights between 1 am and 5 am, something that would cut energy costs by 10 percent. Shortly afterwards though, they had to backtrack. The measure contravened a regulation on providing light for pedestrians. In the event of an accident they could have been sued.

A landlord in Hanover recently recounted her efforts to turn an empty attic into student housing. Her planning application was first rejected by fire authorities who said that the branches of a tree were blocking an escape route. Their proposal to cut the tree back was then turned down by the city authority for green spaces, which argued that trees form “a vital part of the city scenery” and “must be protected at all costs.”

Flood of new rules

It is not as if politicians aren’t aware that over-regulation is having a stifling effect on society’s ability to function and adapt.

In its coalition agreement, Scholz’ ‘traffic light’ government committed itself to cutting bureaucracy 63 times. There is an entire section in the agreement on how they planned to cut down official paperwork.

READ ALSO: Germany unveils new plan to be more immigrant and digital friendly

But changing such a deep-seated German mentality is a different matter.

In a withering report published in November, the government’s own bureaucracy watchdog, the Normenkontrollrat, concluded that under the current government the costs of bureaucracy “have reached a level that we’ve never seen before.”

Far from cutting back paperwork, the traffic light coalition has loaded companies, administrators and citizens with a whole raft of new rules, the watchdog said. “Ever more regulations have to be observed and implemented in less and less time,” it concluded.

The frustration is being felt most acutely by local administrators, who say that they just don’t have enough staff to cope anymore.

An open letter sent to Scholz by town councils in Baden-Württemberg pleaded that “things can’t go on like this. Ever more laws and regulations, all too often containing mistakes …are simply resulting in an unmanageable flood of tasks.”

Meanwhile, Germany’s revered Mittelstand, or small and medium sized family businesses, has warned that over-regulation is the single biggest threat to their future viability. A survey among middle-sized companies last year showed that they were far more concerned about regulation than energy prices. Other surveys have shown that a majority of companies don’t understand the regulations they are expected to follow, while two thirds say they make no sense.

“Enormous bureaucratic burdens are combining with labour shortages, lengthy administrative procedures, permanently high energy prices and high taxes in a blow to the future of our business location,” warns Marie-Christine Ostermann, head of the association of family business.

READ ALSO: Why German family businesses are desperately seeking buyers

Stuck in the analogue era

For some though, the problem isn’t the regulation itself, it is the fact that there are not enough bureaucrats to deal with it all. After all, they argue, the rules are there to ensure that everyone’s concerns are accounted for.

“An unbureaucratic administration would be a nightmare,” protested economist Georg Cremer in a recent article for Die Zeit. “Sure, there can be too much of a good thing… (but) a prosperous social life is absolutely dependent on the government and administration being bound by law.”

Germany’s welfare system, Cremer points out, requires an army of bureaucrats who assess each claimant’s case based on things like the age of their children and their specific rental needs. “Undoubtedly, the welfare system is over-regulated”, he admits, but we also shouldn’t forget that any attempt to simplify it would make it less fair.

The Deutsche Institut für Wirtschaft, a left-wing economic think tank, has therefore argued that the answer to Germany’s woes is not to strip back regulation, but to employ more staff and push on with the digitisation of key services.

That sounds good in principle. But, when it comes to modernising Germany’s ossified public institutions, it is easier said than done.

A law passed in 2017 obliged local administrations to offer close to 600 of their services online by the end of 2022. A year past that deadline, just 81 of the services have been made available across the country.

The reason for the delays? Local governments are using software that is incompatible with the services developed by the federal government. Meanwhile bureaucrats often display a “grievous” lack of knowledge of how to use a computer, a recent analysis by consumer website Verivox found.

Bürgeramt

A man walks to the Bürgeramt, one of the many centres of German bureaucracy. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Martin Schutt

A German Javier Milei?

In September of last year, Scholz appeared to have finally recognised that things have gone too far.

Doing a good impression of an anarcho-capitalist then running to be president of Argentina, the chancellor gave a rousing speech to the Bundestag in which he called on the country to unite against the scourge of excessive regulation.

“Only together can we shake off the blight of bureaucracy, risk aversion and despondency that has settled over our country for years and decades,” he said. “It is paralyzing our economy and causing frustration among our people who simply want Germany to function properly.”

Two months later, Scholz announced he had reached a “historic” agreement with the federal states to speed up planning processes and to make life “palpably” easier for German citizens.

The agreement, since praised by the Normenkontrollrat as “having a lot of potential,” will mainly muzzle environmental agencies, thus allowing LNG terminals, wind turbines and motorways to be built through sensitive natural environments.

The jury is still out on whether it will simplify your everyday life.

At the start of this year more new laws came into force, including the government’s now notorious gas heating ban.

One that passed with less attention was a decision to abolish child passports. Under the old system you could take your child to your local Bürgeramt and they would give you a Kinderpass on the spot for €13.

READ ALSO: How Germany can make life easier for foreign parents

Now, all children are required to have proper documents that are valid for six years. The hitch? The passport (which costs €40 and takes six weeks to arrive) is only valid as long as your child’s face remains recognisable.

“The new system makes absolutely no sense for children under six,” the lady at the Bürgeramt told me when I applied for my newborn baby’s first passport this week. “A baby’s face changes so much that you’ll have to get a new one after a year anyway.”

This article originally appeared in The German Review, a twice weekly newsletter full of analysis and opinion on German politics and society. You can sign up to read it here.

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