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OPINION AND ANALYSIS

ANALYSIS: How dangerous are France’s sky-high Covid rates?

France is experiencing record high levels of Covid infections, but deaths and hospitalisations are lower than during previous waves. We asked the experts just how much of a problem the high case numbers are.

A doctor prepares a vaccine dose in a hospital in France.
A doctor prepares a vaccine dose in a hospital in France. The true effects of the fifth wave are yet to be felt. (Photo by Pascal POCHARD-CASABIANCA / AFP)

Last month the French Health Minister Olivier Véran warned of a “mega-wave”, in which infections from the Delta and Omicron variants of Covid would combine to produce record case numbers. 

His prediction was correct – France is currently recording more new Covid infections than at any other point during the pandemic – with a seven-day average of 265,837 new daily cases last week. 

France is experiencing unprecedented levels of Covid cases. Source: covidtracker.fr

Part of this can be explained by the fact that people are testing more now than ever before. 

But for Pascal Crépey, a researcher at France’s École des hautes études en santé publique, it has more to do with the transmissibility of the Omicron variant, which is now the dominant strain in France. 

“It has the ability to infect a much larger number of people than previous variants. It is very, very contagious,” he said. 

We were about to reach the peak of the Delta wave when the Omicron variant arrived. This is not a single wave, it is a double wave.”

What does this mean for hospitals?

The French government has previously enacted lockdowns when the intensive care unit became overwhelmed with Covid cases – so the situation in the country’s hospitals affects everyone. 

Currently, the fifth wave hasn’t led to the same level of serious illness as previous ones.

The latest figures show 3,847 people in intensive care with Covid-19 – a far cry from the 7,019 people in the same situation in April 2020. 

France is experiencing an increase in the number of people in intensive care units suffering with Covid. But previous waves have seen higher intensive care occupancy. Source: covidtracker.fr

France’s high vaccination rate is undoubtedly having an impact, but it seems that the Omicron variant is less likely to make people seriously ill than other strains of Covid.

But that doesn’t mean that we are in the clear yet – the graph above demonstrates that the number of Covid patients in intensive care is continuing to grow. 

“Even if the Omicron variant is 50 percent less severe, but we end up with three times the number of infected people, we could have a much larger number of severe cases,” said Crépey. 

Some hospitals have already seen their intensive care services become saturated. 

Victorien Maginelle, a director at the Centre Hospitalier Compiègne-Noyon, said that this is the case in his hospital – where 70 percent of beds in these units are occupied by Covid patients. 

“There is no more space for people who have heart attacks or road accidents,” he said. 

“We have had to push back a lot of surgery. There are hundreds of patients waiting for an operation. There needs to be a space in réanimation following an operation, just in case.”

The impact of nearly two years of the pandemic is also beginning to take a toll on hospital staff themselves. 

“We have people working 97 hours a week,” said Jean-Francois Cibien, an emergency ward doctor in the Centre Hospitalier AGEN-NERAC in south west France.

“We are exhausted. We cannot keep working like this.” 

Outside of intensive care units, the number of Covid patients needing hospitalisation is growing at an even faster rate. 

Like many working in the French medical sector, Cibien, who is also president of the APH medics union, believes the government has not done enough to support them. 

“I would believe that our politicians would look at what happened in the three weeks over Christmas and that they would have the decency to extend the school holidays,” he said. “We just wanted one more week of rest. Resilience is dead. The French state has killed the resilience of its health staff. They are turning us into robots.”

A lengthy period of high occupancy rates in hospital will heap yet more pressure on medical staff.

So when will this fifth wave be over? 

The head of the French Vaccine Strategy Council, Alain Fischer, predicted last week that the fifth wave will peak by the end of January. 

“It sounds like a realistic scenario,” said Antoine Flahault, director of the Institute of Global Health at the University of Geneva. But he warned that infections could plateau, remaining at a high level, rather than peak and then begin to fall rapidly. 

We don’t have real examples yet apart from in southern Africa, where the situation has been improving dramatically in recent weeks. But it is not really easy to transpose that situation to Europe. In the South, it is the summer, so more people are outdoors,” he said. 

The evolution of case numbers in the UK, which experienced a dramatic Omicron surge weeks before France, is a far better indicator for how things will go here. 

“If the virus peaks in the UK, that would be a good sign,” said Flahault. 

“Even if France avoids the most catastrophic situation, we can imagine that most sectors of the economy could be affected by absenteeism, even if people are sick for just a short period of time. This could include essential sectors, for about two to four weeks around the peak, but not for a long time.”

Could this really be the last wave? 

The French Health Minister, Olivier Véran, gave an interview with some positive-sounding news to kick off the new year. 

“This fifth wave will maybe be the last. The Omicron variant is so contagious that it will hit all the populations in the world. It will lead to a reinforced immunity. We will all be better armed once it has passed,” he told the Journal de Dimanche

Unfortunately, many epidemiologists are not so sure. 

“I don’t know why he said that. I think it was a little bit of wishful thinking rather than a scientifically-grounded comment,” said Crépey. 

“Epidemiologists have known for quite some time that this coronavirus will not go away. There is no reason for it to go away. What is sure is that the engine for the creation of new variants is replication of the virus.

“When it replicates, it mutates. The more cases that you have the more opportunity that the variant has to mutate and create a new one with better ability to spread. The more we gain collective immunity, the greater the evolutionary pressure will be on the virus to escape this immunity” 

Flahault said that while some of his colleagues agree with Véran, the more pessimistic outcome evoked by Crépey is also possible. 

“Maybe a new variant will escape cell-mediated immunity. Maybe other variants will be more transmissible. We will see at the end of the day whether this Omicron strain has affected 40 percent of the population in Western Europe and whether this causes significant damage. If that is the case, we will need to find solutions.” 

“I am strongly advocating that we think about air quality of indoor settings: it will fight against all variants to breath better quality air. The locations where we are infected today are indoor, poorly ventilated, crowded spaces. 99 percent of infections are known to occur in these locations. We acquire the virus in poorly ventilated spaces”. 

How does vaccination help?  

The number of people dying from Covid-19 is far lower than during previous waves.

While some of this can be attributed to differences in the Omicron variant, data from hospitals show that around 80 percent of Covid patients in intensive care are unvaccinated. Of the remaining 20 percent, the vast majority have suppressed immune systems through previous illnesses.

The number of Covid deaths recorded in hospitals is lower now than during previous waves. Source: covidtracker.fr

France has a high vaccination rate with more than 90 percent of the eligible population – and 78 percent of the total population – vaccinated with at least one dose. However, the fact that case numbers are exploding has knocked public confidence in the vaccination programme according to Crépey. 

“This wave has made things very different in terms of public perception. When vaccines arrived at the beginning of the year, a lot of people thought it would be the end of the story for the Covid-19 pandemic. It was a mistake from the politicians and the scientists to oversell the vaccine,” he said.  

Despite this, Maginelle warned of the dangers of forgoing vaccination, noting that those in intensive care with Covid where overwhelmingly unvaccinated. 

“Last week, we had a 30-year-old man come into the hospital with Covid symptoms. He told us that he was fully vaccinated but is now in intensive care.

“We later learned that he was using a fake vaccination certificate,” he said. 

Member comments

  1. Now that 12-15 year olds are eligible for a booster in United States, when will France offer the same to children here?

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JOHN LICHFIELD

OPINION: Macron’s gamble is an opportunity and a curse for new French PM Attal

In taking a punt on 34-year-old Gabriel Attal, Emmanuel Macron has offered the new prime minister both a huge opportunity but also a curse, writes John Lichfield. Will the bet pay off for either of them?

OPINION: Macron's gamble is an opportunity and a curse for new French PM Attal

Emmanuel Macron risks becoming an old man at the age of 46.

By appointing a 34-year-old prime minister, he has taken a double gamble.

READ MORE: Gabriel Attal: Five things to know about France’s new prime minister

Gabriel Attal, promoted to PM on Tuesday after only five months as education minister, may fail and sink the last three years of Macron’s second term.

Alternatively, he might succeed and make the president look like yesterday’s man.

Macron’s three previous prime ministers have been much older than him, something unheard of in the Fifth Republic. They were more technocratic than political. When the first, Edouard Phillippe (2017-2020) made the mistake of becoming more popular than the president, he was fired.

Attal is a completely different proposition. He is not a technocrat. He is a naturally talented politician – perhaps the most naturally talented French politician since François Mitterrand or Jacques Chirac.

He is far more popular than the president, jostling Edouard Philippe for top position in the approval table of French politicians. In his lightning career as education minister, Attal has succeeded where Macron has mostly failed.

He has not only done things (banning Islamic robes in secular state schools; taking action against bullying), he has created a narrative of rapid action and success.

Macron has had many successes (and many failures) since 2017 but he has always struggled to sell a clear narrative of progress to the French people.

Why take this punt on Attal? The choice has evidently infuriated several of Macron’s leading centrist barons. The sulking “oldies” this week include Bruno Le Maire, 54, the long serving finance minister, who was Attal’s boss until five months ago. 

They also include ex-PM Edouard Philippe, 53, who sees Attal as the greatest threat to his hopes of succeeding Macron as champion of the Centre  – and President of the Republic – in 2027.

Sacking Elisabeth Borne on Monday was an inevitable act of ingratitude. In her 20 months as PM, she has been Macron’s faithful warrior, pushing through the two largest and most difficult reforms – pensions and migration – promised by the president in his 2022 re-election campaign.

The price has been lengthy strikes, riots, a constitutional crisis, a split in Macron’s centrist coalition, a collapse of the president’s approval ratings and the insolent polling strength of the Far Right and Marine Le Pen.

But this was Macron’s strategy, not Borne’s. Like him, she proved unable to convince a large section of public opinion that the reforms were necessary (as they were).

Macron has evidently decided that this brutal, take-the-medicine phase of his presidency career is over. He wants, in the three years that remain, to move on to a new reform agenda which will, he hopes, be more appealing to a broad range of French people.

He calls this “civic and social re-armament” or “social and industrial regeneration”. What exactly this involves is unclear.

It aims to address the weaknesses and fault lines in French society and democracy revealed by, inter alia, the Gilets Jaunes revolt in 2018-9, the urban and suburban riots last summer and the polling strength of Le Pen.

We know, so far, that it will involve wider experiments in school uniforms and a changed school curriculum to inculcate a better understanding of democracy, secularism and the European Union.

There will also be new economic proposals to boost the re-industralisation of France, which Macron has has already begun, and to rescue his threatened promise of full employment by 2027.

READ MORE: How ‘Battery Valley’ is changing northern France

On the whole, however, there will be no more crisis-inducing, full-frontal reforms like the increase in the pension age to 64. Much of the “civic re-armament” agenda does not even need legislation.

In part, this is an admission of weakness. Macron no longer has the stomach for – or sees the sense in – forcing controversial legislation through parliament without an overall majority.

A senior Elysée official told Le Monde today that Macron thinks the time has come to “end a cycle” and “repair the nation”.

The official continued: “He wants to introduce a semi-colon, a pause, in his decade in power, by changing key as you might in a piece of music or a poem”.

A poem, no less.

In more prosaic words. Attal has been chosen for his narrative skills as a politician – his ability to do stuff that people want while telling them that he is doing it.

Macron’s people have long argued that they have obtained little credit for their achievements, ranging from a sharp reduction in unemployment to a substantial reduction in greenhouse-gas emissions.

The president hopes that the next three years will be the opposite. Little of substance will be done but the new PM will sell a series of softer, atmospheric reforms and a story of success to the French people.

Attal’s first job will be to become the new, dynamic, pugnacious, telegenic face of Macronism in time to reduce the Far Right’s runaway polling lead in the European elections in June. If he succeeds, Macron can spend his final three years in the Elysée as the kind of aloof, elder statesman and father of the nation that Charles de Gaulle originally intended.

That, anyway, is the theory. Everything in Attal’s short career so far has succeeded beyond reasonable expectation. He may prove to be an inspired choice.

But the Matignon, the home and office of French prime ministers, is a graveyard of political ambitions. It is an impossible, managerial job in which the PM has to manoeuvre between the egos of his ministers and the tyranny of what Harold McMillan called “events, dear boy, events”.

No prime minister in the Fifth Republic, save De Gaulle himself, has gone on directly to be president. Only a couple of them, Chirac and Georges Pompidou, have made the transition at all.

Attal now becomes overnight the joint favourite with Edouard Philippe to emerge as Macron’s successor as leader of the reformist, pro-European centre in 2027. But the career of the previous “youngest ever, French PM”, Laurent Fabius (1984-6) never recovered from his time at Matignon.

Macron has handed Gabriel Attal a huge opportunity; and also a curse.

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