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JOHN LICHFIELD

OPINION: France’s Mayotte citizenship plan? It’s all in the small print

How can a pair of small islands off the coast of Africa cause an explosion of political hysteria in France? Easily, for three reasons, writes John Lichfield.

OPINION: France's Mayotte citizenship plan? It's all in the small print
French Interior and Overseas Minister Gerald Darmanin (L) visits the French Indian Ocean island of Mayotte. Photo by Chafion MADI / AFP

First, Mayotte, in the Indian Ocean 8,000km from Paris, is the smallest, newest, poorest and most troubled of the five overseas départements (counties) which are theoretically part of France.

Taken together, its two islands are about the size of the Isle of Wight. Into this tiny space are squashed 300,000 people, more than half of whom are migrants from the nearby Comoros islands or from the African mainland.

Mayotte, in the strait between the African continent and Madagascar, has been disrupted for weeks by angry demonstrations and road-blocks. The islanders are not protesting against French rule. They are protesting against a failure to prevent seaborne migration from the Comoros (100 kilometres away) and Africa (200 kilometres away).

The second reason for the hysteria is the febrile state of French politics. Macron-bashing has become the default position of large parts of the French Left, Right and Far Right.

Thirdly, Macron and his new Prime Minister Gabriel Attal have recently been taking a malign, and dangerous, pleasure in flirting with Far Right language and ideas.

Last weekend Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin flew to Mayotte and announced plans to remove from the islands the constitutional guarantee – “le droit du sol” – which means that babies born in France have a right to be French.

Explained: What is France’s droit du sol?

One of the attractions of Mayotte to its still poorer neighbours is the fact that they can obtain a residence card if they have a French child. A baby born in Mayotte is, the migrants believe, a passport to mainland France. (It isn’t really but more on that later.)

Mayotte only has one hospital. Over 90 percent of the babies born there have Comorian or African parents.

Darmanin said the abolition of the “droit du sol” in Mayotte – and Mayotte alone – would remove the main motive for making the dangerous journey across the Indian Ocean in a small boat. It would give “new hope” to Mayotte.

Cue, an explosion of politically-driven rejoicing on the Right and the Far Right of French politics and an explosion of abstract or politically-driven indignation on the Left.

The Right and Far Right said that the Mayotte exception, though welcome, must be a prelude to the abolition of the “droit du sol” for France as a whole.

“How can the constitution say one thing for a small part of France and another thing for the rest?” asked Sébastien Chenu, of the Rassemblement National.

Actually, Sébastien, it already does. Mayotte and other overseas parts of France are already exempt from parts of the French constitution and French law. In Mayotte, the droit du sol has already been somewhat limited since 2018 but not removed completely.

“If the droit du sol is not abolished, mainland France will be like Mayotte in a few years’ time,” said Marion Maréchal-Le Pen.

Really, Marion? Please do your sums. That would require the migration of 60,000,000 people.

The Left said that Darmanin’s announcement had “opened a Pandora’s box” for the racist ideas of the Far Right. The principle that anyone born in France could become French was “non-negotiable”. A “taboo” had been broken. President Emmanuel Macron and Gérald Darmanin were “demolishing our Republican values”.

That may make abstract sense from 8,000 kilometres away. But what does the Left believe should be done to help the suffering people of Mayotte, few of whom are white and most of whom are Muslim?

Their problems have been largely ignored by successive governments of Left, Right and Centre since 99.4 percent of the islanders voted to be French in 1976 and then voted overwhelmingly to become the 101st departément of France in 2009.

The rest of the Comoros archipelago voted for independence a half century ago. It suited France to have a second Indian ocean pebble (after Réunion) for strategic reasons. Little has been done to boost the island’s economy.

There was no TV in Mayotte until 1986. Over 77 percent of islanders now live in poverty, compared to 14 percent in France as a whole. Almost a third of homes have no running water. Only one third of adults have a job.

In recent years, a constant illegal influx of mostly young Comorians – desperate people of the same race and religion – has caused a social and economic crisis without parallel anywhere else in global France.

Abolishing the droit du sol in Mayotte will not solve all these problems. The vast majority of Mahorais believe that it is essential first step to prevent them from getting worse.

In an interview with Ouest-France on Monday, Darmanin said the government’s decision to propose a constitutional change was “pragmatic”, not “ideological”. He urged the “clever thinkers” in Paris to “go to Mayotte” and see the islands’ problems for themselves.

He may be right. Much of the commentary of recent days has nothing to do with the desperate realities of an island of which most French politicians, Right or Left, know or care little.

But to attack “clever thinkers” (beaux esprits) is Far Right language.

The problem for Darmanin and Macron is that the Mayotte policy is being lumped together with their pre-Christmas decision to accept Far Right ideas to rescue a blocked immigration bill. They knew that those added clauses would be struck down by the Constitutional Council (as they were).

Marine Le Pens’ Far Right is now braying about a “second ideological victory”. The Left is alleging a second “ideological betrayal”.

Neither they, nor the Left, appear to have studied the small-print of what Darmanin said.

At present, Comorian migrants who have French children can claim residence permits in Mayotte but are refused visas to travel to metropolitan France. In other words, they pile up in Mayotte, increasingly poor and desperate.

Darmanin said that this barrier would be lifted as soon as the “droit du sol” was removed from Mayotte. In other words, the government is proposing to deter migration into Mayotte but allow much greater emigration out of Mayotte and into “European France”.

That does not sound much like a Far Right policy despite the Far Right language.

Macron and his government are often accused of being “hors sol” (detached from reality). The new Prime Miniter Gabriel Attal has sworn to correct that by making a series of rapid decisions which have an immediate, positive impact on the lives of ordinary people. Good luck with that.

The Mayotte decision fits Attal’s promised pattern. The government will argue that it is the Far Right and Left reaction – and much of the French media commentary – which is abstract, ideological and “hors sol”.

Stand by for a long debate on the proposed constitutional change while Mayotte continues to suffer and protest. In theory, with Right and Far Right support, the government can obtain the two-thirds vote of a Congress of both houses of parliament that it needs.

In theory…

But wait until the triumphant Right and Far Right get around to reading the small print on exit visas from Mayotte to the rest of France.

Member comments

  1. The droit du sol is not deeply anchored in French history nor politics. When living in Paris in the 1990s we had a daughter who, being born in 1997 to American parents, was not granted le droit du sol.

    She could have applied for citizenship, had she lived in France for 5 years before turning 16, but we moved back shortly after she was born and she did not take up residency here again until she was 17.

    It might be worth writing about that period, to offer more perspective.

  2. This is the price France is paying for trying to hold on to its colonial possessions overseas. Reunion and Mayotte should have been given independence a long time ago.

  3. I always appreciate the nuanced and critical commentaries by Mr.Lichfield. I do wonder if he’s not being too charitable regarding the “fine prints” though. There is no guarantee that they will follow through with the increase of emigration, especially given their current political stance regarding immigration in general and their dalliance with the right. The victory lap by the right may already take the fine prints into account.

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POLITICS

Explained: What’s behind the violence on French island of New Caledonia?

Violent unrest has disrupted daily life on the French Pacific island of New Caledonia - leaving several dead and prompting president Emmanuel Macron to declare a state of emergency. Here's a look at what’s happening, why, and why it matters so much to France.

Explained: What’s behind the violence on French island of New Caledonia?

Two people have been killed and hundreds more injured, shops were looted and public buildings torched during a second night of rioting in New Caledonia – Nouvelle-Calédonie, in French – as anger over planned constitutional reforms boiled over.

On Wednesday, president Emmanuel Macron declared a state of emergency as the violence continued, with at least one police officer seriously injured.

What began as pro-independence demonstrations have spiralled into three days of the worst violence seen on the French Pacific archipelago since the 1980s. 

Police have arrested more than 130 people since the riots broke out Monday night, with dozens placed in detention to face court hearings, the commission said.

A curfew has been put in place, and armed security forces are patrolling the streets of the capital Noumea.

So, New Caledonia is a French colony?

New Caledonia is, officially, a collectivité d’Outre mer (overseas collective). It’s not one of the five départements d’Outre mer – French Guiana in South America, Martinique and Gaudeloupe in the Caribbean and Réunion and Mayotte in the Indian Ocean – which are officially part of France.

As a collectivité, New Caledonia has special status that was negotiated in 1988 that gives it increasing autonomy over time and more say over its own affairs that the French overseas départements.

Home to about 269,000 people, the archipelago was a penal colony in the 19th century. Today its economy is based mainly on agriculture and vast nickel resources.

What has prompted the riots?

This is about voting rights.

Pro-independence groups believe that constitutional reforms that would give the vote to anyone who has lived on the island for 10 years would dilute the vote held by the indigenous Kanak people – who make up about 41 percent of the population, and the majority of whom favour independence.

New Caledonia’s voter lists have not been updated since 1998 when the Noumea Accord was signed, depriving island residents who arrived from mainland France or elsewhere since of a vote in provincial polls, enlarging the size of the voting population.

Proponents of the reform say that it just updates voting rolls to include long-time residents, opponents believe that it’s an attempt to gerrymander any future votes on independence for the islands.

The Noumea Accord – what’s that?

It was an agreement, signed in 1998, in which France said it would grant increased political power to New Caledonia and its original population, the Kanaks, over a 20-year transition period. 

It was signed on May 5th 1998 by Lionel Jospin, and approved in a referendum in New Caledonia on November 8th, with 72 percent voting in favour.

The landmark deal has led to three referendums. In 2018, 57 percent voted to remain closely linked to France; in October 2020, the vote decreased to 53 percent. In a third referendum in 2021, the people voted against full sovereignty with another narrow margin.

And that’s what the reforms are about?

Yes. The reforms, which have been voted through by MPs in France, but must still be approved by a joint sitting of both houses of the French parliament, would grant the right to vote to anyone who has lived on the island for 10 years or more. 

President Emmanuel Macron has said that lawmakers will vote to definitively adopt the constitutional change by the end of June, unless New Caledonia’s political parties agree on a new text that, “takes into account the progress made and everyone’s aspirations”.

Autonomy has its limits.

How serious is the unrest?

French President Emmanuel Macron urged calm in a letter to the territory’s representatives, calling on them to “unambiguously condemn” the “disgraceful and unacceptable” violence.

New Caledonia pro-independence leader, Daniel Goa, asked people to “go home”, and condemned the looting.

But “the unrest of the last 24 hours reveals the determination of our young people to no longer let France take control of them,” he added.

This isn’t the first time there’s been unrest on the island, is it?

There has been a long history of ethnic tensions on New Caledonia, starting in 1878 when a Kanak insurgency over the rights of Kanaks in the mining industry left 200 Europeans and 600 rebels dead. Some 1,500 Kanaks were sent into exile.

Clashes between Kanaks and Caldoches in the 1980s culminated in a bloody attack and hostage-taking by Kanak separatists in 1988, when six police officers and 19 militants were killed on the island of Ouvea.

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