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SWEDISH HISTORY

INTERVIEW: ‘Sweden viewed the Sami as a lower form of culture’

On February 6th Sami communities all over Sápmi – an area spanning the northern reaches of Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia’s Kola peninsula – gather to celebrate Sami National Day. To find out more about the past, present and future of the Sami in Sweden, we speak to Charlotta Svonni, a researcher on indigenous education at Umeå University.

Charlotta Svonni
Photo: Charlotta Svonni

Before national borders were drawn in the Nordics, Sami hunters and fishers populated the area now known as Sápmi, and Sami National Day has become an important annual event for the celebration of Sami cultural traditions.

The date was chosen to mark the occasion of the first Sami Congress, held in Trondheim, Norway, in 1917 and reflects a desire among Sami communities for greater self-determination.

An estimated 20,000-40,000 Sami live in Sweden (the figure is uncertain since Sweden doesn’t gather data on ethnicity) and Sami languages are spoken across the region. A Sami parliament was established in 1993 to represent the interests of the Sami, who are one of the country’s five official minorities. 

Charlotta Svonni lives with her family in Umeå but is originally from Kiruna in the far north and belongs to the Sami village Laevas.

She recently completed a doctoral thesis on the ‘nomad schools’ instituted by Sweden to educate the children of reindeer herding Sami families and is well-versed in the colonisation and discrimination faced by the Sami over the centuries.

“If we start with the 1600s, the Sami religion was viewed as pagan and the crown wanted the Sami to be Christians,” she says. “Also, the crown wanted the Sami to pay taxes so that they could claim the land.”

In the decades that followed, Sweden encouraged more and more settlers to move north, dangling tax exemptions and freedom from conscription as very attractive incentives, she adds.

Relations between the Swedish authorities and the Sami frayed further as the nationalist ideologies proliferating in Sweden and elsewhere in Europe in the 19th century brought with them notions of racial supremacy.

“They viewed the Sami as belonging to a lower form of culture and that they were not able to take care of themselves. The view from the majority perspective, or the crown, was that if Sami people didn’t work with reindeers, they would die, they wouldn’t be able to live in Swedish society.

“But this was not for all Sami. One really important thing is that the crown of Sweden only wanted to preserve the reindeer herders that were in the mountain region, that were called the nomads.”

Sweden’s increasingly strict definition of the Samis’ role in society led to an exotification and segregation of the indigenous population, Svonni says. The mountain reindeer herders were expected to always wear traditional clothing and live a nomadic lifestyle in traditional tents, or kåtor. By contrast the forest-dwelling reindeer herders and other Sami were to be assimilated into Swedish society.

The nomad schools – boarding schools created for Sami children – further solidified this segregation, she says.

“They were not allowed to go to schools with the Swedes. They were not allowed to go to schools with other Sami people. So these reindeer herders went to the nomad school. This was created in 1913, around the same time period as the Racial Biology Institute, which was created in 1922. These were the kind of ideas flourishing in Sweden.”

Her voice cracks as she recalls a dark period of overt racism that affected many Sami, including her own family.

Svonni recommends anyone interested in this period to watch the 2016 film Sameblod (Sami Blood). The film tells the story of a girl attending a nomad school who, like many other Sami at the time, was subjected to degrading experiments at the hands of the Uppsala-based institute.

The nomad schools were finally shut down in 1962.

While relations with the state have improved immeasurably since the 1930s, Svonni says that “extractivism on Sami land” remains a central area of conflict.

“Just take all the mines. You have this big state company, LKAB, that’s situated in Kiruna, and there are always problems with that. You have this issue with Rönnbäcken in Tärnaby, if they are allowed to mine there or not. You also have the windmill parks and forestry. These are all big state companies but they don’t regard the Sami village or the reindeer husbandry people’s voice in this.”

Her claim is backed up by the fact that United Nations experts routinely chastise Sweden for its failure to adequately involve its indigenous population in consultation processes. But this criticism is also grounds for cautious optimism, says Svonni.

“I see some steps that are going in the right direction, and that is also due to the global indigenous issues moving forward. This puts pressure on Sweden, so I think it will become better in the future.”

A ‘truth commission’ established by Sweden to investigate abuses against the Sami is expected to present its findings in late 2025.

Hear more from Charlotta Svonni in the latest episode of The Local’s Sweden in Focus podcast.

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2024 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS

From Swexit to Frexit: How Europe’s far-right parties have ditched plans to leave EU

Far-right parties, set to make soaring gains in the European Parliament elections in June, have one by one abandoned plans to get their countries to leave the European Union.

From Swexit to Frexit: How Europe's far-right parties have ditched plans to leave EU

Whereas plans to leave the bloc took centre stage at the last European polls in 2019, far-right parties have shifted their focus to issues such as immigration as they seek mainstream votes.

“Quickly a lot of far-right parties abandoned their firing positions and their radical discourse aimed at leaving the European Union, even if these parties remain eurosceptic,” Thierry Chopin, a visiting professor at the College of Europe in Bruges told AFP.

Britain, which formally left the EU in early 2020 following the 2016 Brexit referendum, remains the only country to have left so far.

Here is a snapshot:

No Nexit 

The Dutch Freedom Party (PVV) led by Geert Wilders won a stunning victory in Dutch national elections last November and polls indicate it will likely top the European vote in the Netherlands.

While the manifesto for the November election stated clearly: “the PVV wants a binding referendum on Nexit” – the Netherlands leaving the EU – such a pledge is absent from the European manifesto.

For more coverage of the 2024 European Elections click here.

The European manifesto is still fiercely eurosceptic, stressing: “No European superstate for us… we will work hard to change the Union from within.”

The PVV, which failed to win a single seat in 2019 European Parliament elections, called for an end to the “expansion of unelected eurocrats in Brussels” and took aim at a “veritable tsunami” of EU environmental regulations.

No Frexit either

Leaders of France’s National Rally (RN) which is also leading the polls in a challenge to President Emmanuel Macron, have also explicitly dismissed talk they could ape Britain’s departure when unveiling the party manifesto in March.

“Our Macronist opponents accuse us… of being in favour of a Frexit, of wanting to take power so as to leave the EU,” party leader Jordan Bardella said.

But citing EU nations where the RN’s ideological stablemates are scoring political wins or in power, he added: “You don’t leave the table when you’re about to win the game.”

READ ALSO: What’s at stake in the 2024 European parliament elections?

Bardella, 28, who took over the party leadership from Marine Le Pen in 2021, is one of France’s most popular politicians.

The June poll is seen as a key milestone ahead of France’s next presidential election in 2027, when Le Pen, who lead’s RN’s MPs, is expected to mount a fourth bid for the top job.

Dexit, maybe later

The co-leader of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, Alice Weidel, said in January 2024 that the United Kingdom’s Brexit referendum was an example to follow for the EU’s most populous country.

Weidel said the party, currently Germany’s second most popular, wanted to reform EU institutions to curb the power of the European Commission and address what she saw as a democratic deficit.

But if the changes sought by the AfD could not be realised, “we could have a referendum on ‘Dexit’ – a German exit from the EU”, she said.

The AfD which has recently seen a significant drop in support as it contends with various controversies, had previously downgraded a “Dexit” scenario to a “last resort”.

READ ALSO: ‘Wake-up call’: Far-right parties set to make huge gains in 2024 EU elections

Fixit, Swexit, Polexit…

Elsewhere the eurosceptic Finns Party, which appeals overwhelmingly to male voters, sees “Fixit” as a long-term goal.

The Sweden Democrats (SD) leader Jimmie Åkesson and leading MEP Charlie Weimers said in February in a press op ed that “Sweden is prepared to leave as a last resort”.

Once in favour of a “Swexit”, the party, which props up the government of Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson, in 2019 abandoned the idea of leaving the EU due to a lack of public support.

In November 2023 thousands of far-right supporters in the Polish capital Warsaw called for a “Polexit”.

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