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GERMAN REUNIFICATION

33 years on: Are east and west Germany growing apart?

More than 30 years after reunification, a new study has shown that a majority of Germans think that the country is disunited. But are there other signs that the nation may be splitting?

Published: 26 September 2023 17:11 CEST
Updated: 27 September 2023 11:12 CEST

A cyclist rides past the Berlin Wall memorial. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Fabian Sommer

The 3rd of October will mark the 33rd anniversary of German Reunification – the day when the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) officially rejoined the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany), following decades of separation.

But ahead of the celebrations next week, a new study has revealed a concerning trend: that east and west Germany appear to be drifting apart once again.

The survey, conducted by the independent opinion research Forsa for Stern magazine revealed that, in today’s Germany, 60 percent believe that the country is more divided than united, while only 37 percent think that people in the East have significantly integrated into one united nation.

These findings mark a stark contrast to 2019 when the majority (51 percent) perceived unity, and only a minority (45 percent) felt that the country was more united than divided.

The perception of unity is notably weaker in East Germany, with a staggering 75 percent feeling that – 34 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall – division still prevails. In the so-called “new states” of Mecklenburg Western-Pommerania, Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt, Brandenburg and Thuringia, only 21 percent see Germany as being a unified nation.

Curiously, Germans aged 60 and older appear to have an especially pessimistic view of unity, with 69 percent of them perceiving continued division.

The Free Democratic Party (FDP) stands out as the only political group where a majority views unity positively, with 48 percent believing in the country’s reunification, while 46 percent see the dominance of differences.

In contrast, supporters of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) are the most sceptical, with 71 percent of them feeling that division outweighs unity.

Economic and political divides

It seems, however, that the divide between east and west Germany is not just limited to sentiment.

Figures from Germany’s Statistical Office in response to an inquiry by the Left Party from July this year revealed that there are significant economic disparities between east and west Germany.

According to the figures, people in the former East earn approximately €13,000 less per year than their western counterparts and the annual gross salary of full-time employees in the east was significantly lower than in the west in 2022, with this difference growing over the past few years.

An AfD election poster with the slogan "The East stands up!" hangs on a main road in the district of Sonneberg, Thuringia.

An AfD election poster with the slogan “The East stands up!” hangs on a main road in the district of Sonneberg, Thuringia. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Martin Schutt

One particularly shocking statistic showed that there was an average wage difference of more than €21,000 per year between Mecklenburg Western-Pommerania and Hamburg.

In response to these wage disparities, Sören Pellmann, the East Commissioner of the Left Party, drew a connection to the rise of the AfD in the eastern states, saying that it “should come as no surprise” that the AfD garners substantial support in the former East.

The rise of the AfD in eastern states could also be interpreted as a sign of growing division in Germany.

In the last six months, a small town in rural Saxony-Anhalt elected the country’s first AfD mayor, an AfD party member became a district administrator in South Thuringia, while AfD candidates are increasingly participating in runoff elections for top local offices in major or university cities like Schwerin and Cottbus.

There’s even speculation that the AfD could succeed in many if not all, constituencies in Thuringia, Saxony, and Brandenburg with their direct candidates in the upcoming state elections next year.

A recent study published by the Else-Frenkel-Brunswik Institute of the University of Leipzig in June also revealed that many people in eastern Germany hold extreme right-wing opinions.

The study – a representative survey of 3,546 people in the former eastern German states of Brandenburg, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt, Thuringia and east Berlin – demonstrated a high level of approval for right-wing extremist statements.

However, as Frankfurt Allgemeine Zeitung journalist, Daniel Deckers pointed out in a recent article, the AfD has its hold in the west of the country, too.

“15,000 votes in Sonneberg may seem insignificant compared to the over 800,000 votes the AfD received in the 2016 state election in Baden-Württemberg, or the potential 15 percent share it could garner in North Rhine-Westphalia, the AfD’s origins can be traced to the West. Most of the party’s prominent figures were socialized in the old, compromise-oriented Federal Republic, unlike in East Germany, where the legacy of two failed dictatorships continues to influence three generations.”

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Tax cuts and military service: How the CDU wants to change Germany

It may be more than a year until the next round of federal elections in Germany, but as spring turns into summer, the political campaigning is already heating up.

In the latest polls at the end of April, the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU) parties were still riding high at over 30 percent.

In the upcoming EU elections in June and federal elections next year, the conservatives are hoping to translate these poll numbers into significant wins. If the trend continues, they could once more take the reins of Europe’s largest economy, heading up the chancellory and acting as the largest governing party after a four-year hiatus.

At their party conference in Berlin this week, CDU leader Friedrich Merz said he hoped to win votes by appealing to swing voters and become “the people’s party of the centre”. But the new party programme agreed on by conference delegates has been widely seen as a lurch to the right.

The new 50-page Grundsatzprogramm, which sets out the party’s core principles, marks the first time this document has been rewritten since 2007, when Angela Merkel was Chancellor of Germany and leader of the CDU.

It’s a distinct break away from the 120-page programme set out in the Merkel years, with a strong emphasis on tough asylum rules and identity politics, as well as incentives to work longer hours and later in life.

Here are some of the key policies to know about.

Integration, religion and Leitkultur

At the centre of the Union’s new party programme is the concept of Leitkultur, or dominant culture, which stands in opposition to multiculturalism and demands that migrants accept German values and way of life.

According to the CDU, Leitkultur means “a shared awareness of home and belonging”, an “understanding of our traditions and customs” and knowledge of German culture and language, as well as a commitment to the German constitution. Immigrants should accept these things “without ifs or buts”, the programme states.

German Grundgesetz

Two copies of the German Grundgesetz, or Basic Law, lie on a table in a library. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Frank Molter

In terms of religion, the CDU believes that people of the Jewish faith belong in Germany, but only some muslims do. “Muslims who share our values are part of Germany’s religious diversity and our society,” the party writes. But: “An Islam that does not share our values and rejects our liberal society does not belong in Germany.”

Looking at Germany itself, the party believes in a “cosmopolitan patriotism” that protects the country’s rich history and traditions while acknowledging historic guilt.

Citizenship and language

In line with its emphasis on Leitkultur, the CDU wants all future applicants for German citizenship to formally acknowledge Israel’s right to existence.

Under the party’s plans, all children in Germany would face a compulsory and standardised language test at the age of four to check their ability to communicate in Germany. Children who are struggling would undergo a mandatory year of school preparation in a local Kita.

Compulsory military service

Having originally floated the idea in very soft terms, the CDU emerged from its party conference with a new policy to bring back compulsory military services in stages.

At first, the party wants to introduce a contingent conscription where conscripts to the military are only called up as and when they are needed. This would culminate in the reintroduction of a compulsory year of service after school, in which young people would either undergo military service or volunteer in the social sector.

This would help plug deficiencies in the Bundeswehr (German army) and manage the growing threat posed by Russia, the party emphasised.

Tax breaks for middle classes

Attempting to woo the “working middle”, the CDU has aired plans to raise the threshold for the top income tax bracket of 42 percent, which currently stands at around €63,000.

In addition, the party wants to offer tax breaks for people who take on extra hours at work. Those in full-time employment who work more than their contracted hours won’t be taxed on their overtime.

Other tax breaks would include relief on social contributions for people in lower tax brackets, and an “attractive” corporation tax to encourage economic growth.

CDU party conference

CDU leader Friedrich Merz, Ursula von der Leyen and Bavarian state premier and CSU leader Markus Söder at the CDU party conference in Berlin. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Michael Kappeler

No end to debt break

As a “promise to future generations”, the CDU says it will encourage sustainable politics that give future governments financial “room to manoeuvre”, in spite of the challenges posed by an aging population.

“This is only possible with solid finances and a clear commitment to the debt brake,” the party states. In other words, the party will continue to cap borrowing at a meagre 0.35 percent of GDP.

Return to nuclear energy

In the aftermath of the energy crisis, the CDU says it wants to ensure that the energy supply remains secure, clean and affordable – which means the return of nuclear power. “Germany can’t currently do without nuclear power plants,” the party writes.

According to the conservatives, renewable energy sources should be expanded while also using fossil fuels – with an emphasis on gas rather than coal.

When it comes to fighting climate change, the CDU is pinning its hopes on the free-market economy, using financial incentives and new technologies to attempt to steer things in the right direction.

Pensions and social welfare

The CDU says it is committed to securing pensions over the long-term by topping up contributions through capital investments – and the party also wants the system to be fair to hard workers.

“Those who have worked and paid contributions should receive more than someone who hasn’t,” the programme states.

Pensioners sit on a bench in Dresden

Pensioners sit on a bench in Dresden. Photo: picture alliance/dpa/dpa-Zentralbild | Sebastian Kahnert

Though there is no mention of raising the pension age, there is no mention of capping it, either, but the party seems to be counting partly on incentives to encourage people to stay in work. If employees decide to stay on at their job past pension age, they should pay less tax on their earnings.

On the welfare side, the CDU states that work should pay and those who neither work nor study should be at a distinct financial disadvantage.

Family and identity

True to its conservative and Christian roots, the new programme emphasises that marriage and family should be the core unit in German society. However, the concept of “family” has been broadened out to include same-sex marriages, single parents and so-called patchwork families.

“Family is where parents support children and children support parents in the long term,” the CDU explains.

That said, the CDU isn’t quite so liberal when it comes to gendered language and gender identity: the party is against using “forced” gender-inclusive language on public broadcasters and maintains that biological sex is an “unchangeable fact”.

Rwanda-style asylum plans

In a sea change from the era of Angela Merkel, the CDU wants to significantly toughen up laws for refugees to make Germany a less attractive place for people to claim asylum.

The party’s new programme sets out plans for a scheme similar to the United Kingdom’s controversial Rwanda policy, which would see asylum seekers transported to a third country while their applications were being processed and remaining in this country if their applications were successful.

A proposal to grant recognised asylum seekers the right to stay in Germany did not receive a majority at the party conference.

However, given the fact that the UK’s Rwanda policy has been dogged by legal issues – not least the claims that it contravenes international law – it is unclear if this policy could ever be enacted.

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