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OPINION AND ANALYSIS

What we learned from Angela Merkel’s first foray out of retirement

The former German Chancellor defended her legacy in her first major interview since leaving office. But it left many questions open - and hasn't impressed her critics, writes Aaron Burnett.

Former Chancellor Angela Merkel on stage in Berlin on Tuesday.
Former Chancellor Angela Merkel on stage in Berlin on Tuesday. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Fabian Sommer

Six months to the day since she left office, a sold out Berliner Ensemble audience gathered to see Angela Merkel’s first post-retirement media interview. Coming out with her trademark humour and a blue suit jacket, the former Chancellor answered questions from journalist Alexander Osang for an hour and a half on Tuesday evening. 

But it was also an interview that left open more questions than it answered.

Sitting at ease and cracking jokes, Merkel calmly answered Osang’s softball questions, demonstrating that even after six months largely relaxing on the German shores of the Baltic Sea, she still knows how to eat many reporters for breakfast.

Whenever the camera panned to the crowd, it showed a beaming, transfixed audience. “Altkanzlerin” or “ex-Chancellor” or not – Merkel still knows how to hold a room. And when she’s in the room, she still knows how to run the show.

Merkel isn’t doing regrets over Russia and Ukraine

Merkel’s performance during the interview was all the more notable given how her controversial record on Ukraine and Russia dominated the discussion almost entirely.

Somewhat nervously, Osang’s first substantive question – after spending several minutes talking about Merkel’s quiet retirement – was about her decision to block NATO membership for Ukraine and Georgia in 2008. Ukraine at the time, was a divided country plagued by oligarchy and corruption, she said, and not prepared to be in NATO. She reasoned that because membership doesn’t happen overnight, Russia’s Vladimir Putin may well have invaded to prevent Ukraine from joining – at a time when it wasn’t ready to defend itself.

Merkel went on to say that she doesn’t regret how she handled Putin, and defended her record of keeping diplomatic dialogue open with him to try and prevent war.

“I don’t blame myself,” she told the crowd. “I would feel very bad if I had said there wasn’t any point in talking to him.”

READ ALSO: Merkel says she has ‘nothing to apologise for’ over Russia legacy

Merkel didn’t really believe in ‘change through trade’

Merkel insisted she was never under any illusions about who Putin was, and didn’t really believe in Wandel durch Handel (change through trade), or the idea that boosting economic links between Germany and Russia would change how Putin would behave. It was an uncharacteristically frank statement from a politician with a reputation for her public poker face, saying little while in office.

Yet many analysts, both inside and outside Germany, say those are claims that simply don’t stack up against evidence.

“Not believing in ‘change through trade,’ which supposedly guided German policy during much of her time, is a remarkable admission that Germany was basically just profiting from its relationship with Russia, at the expense of Ukraine and central European states like Estonia – without actually trying to use German leverage to make Russia more democratic and less threatening,” said Benjamin Tallis, a Fellow at the Hertie School’s Centre for International Security in Berlin.

“That’s just a policy of naked greed.”

Former Estonian President Toomas Hendrik Ilves commented on Merkel’s interview in similar terms.

Merkel’s answers on the state of the German army, or Bundeswehr, weren’t entirely convincing either.

“On a personal level, I thought she was good – funny, engaged, eloquent,” said Dr. Ulrike Franke, a German defence expert with the European Council on Foreign Relations.

Yet Franke says Merkel oversold her role when pushing for higher defence spending against resistance from the Social Democrats, her coalition partner. “She is right that the SPD was putting the brakes on this, and the CDU was pushing more. But her personally? Not so much.”

All the things Merkel didn’t say – from new progressive politics to energy

Merkel’s interview was perhaps just as notable for what she didn’t say – and what Osang didn’t ask her.

If Merkel really didn’t believe in change through trade, how did Germany become so  dependent on Russian energy? Osang didn’t ask. Nor did he ask about one of Merkel’s other major decisions – her surprise reversal on continuing nuclear power in Germany after the Fukushima disaster in 2011. That decision made Germany even more dependent on Russian gas, oil, and coal. 

“At the time, too little was done to diversify energy sources in Europe and Germany in order to become independent of Russia more quickly,” German Council on Foreign Relations Director Daniela Schwarzer told Tagesschau. Bild newspaper criticised her for being a Chancellor without a plan, particularly on energy. 

Nor did we hear about whether Germany should have been more ambitious in its climate targets, or whether the country’s dependence on Russian energy hampers a transition to clean energy.

Merkel’s crisis leadership during Covid-19, the euro crisis – even the 2015 refugee crisis – was scarcely mentioned at all, let alone subjected to serious questioning.

We did find out that she broadly supports the current government but doesn’t wish to comment on everything from the sidelines, akin to a grandmother trying not to tell her granddaughter how to bring up her children. From a woman who has been referred to as Germany’s “Mutti” or “Mummy,” it was an apt analogy.

But beyond its Ukraine policy, which specific bits of the new government’s agenda does the ex-Chancellor agree or disagree with? Merkel didn’t say and Osang didn’t ask.

And it would be interesting to know because a lot of change is happening. For instance, the country’s strict abortion laws are being eased. Cannabis is set to be legalised. Dual citizenship is to be allowed, even if the current government hasn’t yet said precisely when.

All of these decisions point to a very different Germany than the one under Merkel – but they weren’t discussed.

We did, however, hear quite a bit about how Merkel is spending her retirement. She is enjoying hiking in nature and reading the books she hasn’t had time to get to – including Shakespeare’s Macbeth.

Beyond that, we mostly heard about Merkel’s foreign policy, which may end up largely defining her legacy. For better or worse, that risks leaving so many of her other decisions broadly unexamined.

READ ALSO: An era ends: How will Germany and the world remember the Merkel years?

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POLITICS

Why a row has broken out in Germany over pension reforms

Government parties in Germany are in a bitter row over the future of pensions and retirement in Germany. Here's a quick overview of what you need to know.

Why a row has broken out in Germany over pension reforms

Germany’s coalition government is having a rough time of it. 

Since the three parties – the Social Democrats (SPD), the Greens and the Free Democrats (FDP) – entered a coalition after the federal election in 2021, they have seen a significant dip in popularity according to polls. 

Despite some high profile policy achievements, such as citizenship and immigration reforms as well as the partial legalisation of cannabis, the coalition’s reputation has been marred by infighting. 

And the latest sticking point is pension policy. 

READ ALSO: Is it worthwhile to set up a private pension plan in Germany?

What’s the issue with pensions?

Last week, a high profile and long-awaited approval by the cabinet on a package shaking up pensions in Germany – called Rentenpaket II – was postponed. 

According to reports, Finance Minister Christian Lindner (FDP) had the topic removed from the agenda – effectively blocking it from moving forward.

That is despite Lindner agreeing on the pension reform, along with Labour Minister Hubertus Heil (SPD) and Economics Minister Robert Habeck (Greens), months ago.

The package, which Heil and Lindner presented in March, is intended to guarantee a pension level of 48 percent for the future — meaning that pensions would equate to 48 percent of your average salary over the course of your working time.

The government also plans to invest billions in the capital market and pay annual subsidies to the pension insurance from the interest earned starting in the mid-2030s. It means that in addition to the contributions and subsidies from the federal budget, the pension insurance scheme would receive a third source of funding.

READ ALSO: How Germany plans to stabilise pension contributions

But the final go ahead for the package has been stalled due to various disputes on social security and pensions — including over the budgeting for it. 

FDP calls for ‘fair’ budget policy 

The situation has got further complicated — and messy — after the FDP spoke out once again in favour of restricting early retirement at 63 in Germany, as part of a new policy paper urging a ‘budget turnaround’.

In the five-point paper on the welfare state, the Finance Minister’s party warns of the consequences of the current pension package, saying it will “overburden” budgets with too much spending on social welfare. 

The FDP's Christian Lindner has been rocking the coalition boat this week.

The FDP’s Christian Lindner. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Jessica Lichetzki

The FDP says it wants a “budget policy that is fair to all generations”. They want to see reforms to the social system as well as restricting access to early pensions for those who qualify. 

The latest policy paper, which the FDP plans to adopt at an executive meeting on Monday, echoes what the party has said previously in a 12-point plan aiming to ‘turn the economy around’ where it outlined how long-term unemployment benefit sanctions should be tougher. 

READ ALSO: Why a push for tougher benefit sanctions in Germany is sparking a dispute

What’s the reaction?

The FDP’s plans have been met with criticism from its coalition partners, the SPD and the Greens.

SPD General Secretary Kevin Kühnert rejected the proposals, including to restrict retirement at 63. “We can’t do that,” Kühnert told German broadcasters on Monday. 

He firmly believes that the cabinet will approve the coalition’s ‘pension package II’ in May as well as the 2025 budget in July.

“But everyone should now focus on the matter and publish fewer point papers,” he added, in view of the FDP’s recent pushes to assert its policies. 

However, it is unclear whether the FDP will agree to the pension package in its current form given the recent uproar. The decision to release these policy papers may also be a tactic to try and pull in potential voters ahead of the nationwide election in Germany in autumn 2025. 

Other politicians have hit out at the FDP. 

SPD party leader Saskia Esken told the Süddeutsche Zeitung that it wasn’t helpful if negotiations on the 2025 budget were accompanied by party-affiliated position papers every week.

Esken also said social security in Germany is a “non-negotiable” for the party.

READ ALSO: How does Germany’s retirement age compare to the rest of Europe’s?

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