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‘Time for united EU to be global security player’

Henry Kissinger once requested the dialing code for Europe. As a global security partner, the EU must answer the phone as one when the foreign policy challenges of the 21st century come calling, says Italian Foreign Minister Emma Bonin alongside her Swedish, Spanish and Polish counterparts.

'Time for united EU to be global security player'
Italy's foreign minister Emma Bonino. Photo: Tanveer Mughal/AFP

The European Union is step by step setting up new structures to deal with the foreign policy challenges of the 21st century. We have created a new European External Action Service (EEAS) to serve the overall EU interest abroad, effectively underpinning our role as a global player. We have sent additional national diplomats to reinforced EU delegations.

Later this year, a review of the EEAS led by Catherine Ashton will hopefully allow us to upgrade these new structures to a 2,0 version in time for the new crew entering the institutions after the 2014 European Parliament election.

The famous question posed by Henry Kissinger, the former US national security adviser and secretary of state, about the dialling code for Europe has, by now, by and large, been answered. Not that there is necessarily only one connection from the EEAS switchboard in Brussels, but at least the telephone number for Europe is in place.

The critical question is no longer how to reach us, but instead what Europe should say when the phone rings. Or, to put in another way, if we now have the hardware of institutions in place, we need to focus on the software of policies that makes the entire thing operate in a clear and credible way.

When we foreign ministers meet in the EU's foreign affairs council every month, it is usually the issues of the day that dominate the agenda. Foreign policy is, as the late British prime minister Harold Macmillan once put it, "events, dear boy, events".

But what Europe needs to deal with the challenges of today and tomorrow is a strategic framework to help it navigate a more complex world.

The ongoing economic crisis and the ever accelerating process of globalization pose an unprecedented dual challenge for Europe. In global competition with other economies, ideas and models of society, the countries of Europe will uphold their values and pursue their interests successfully only if we stand united.

The European Security Strategy from 2003 was a good document, which has provided EU external action with actionable guidelines. But it was a document still focused mainly on traditional foreign policy, not the broader competencies and capabilities envisaged in the Lisbon treaty. Since its adoption, the world has entered a period of profound transformations.

The time has come to engage in a new strategic discussion, taking into account the immense changes in Europe and the rest of the world during the last decade. And in a world moving towards hyper-connectivity in the entire realm between outer space and cyber-space, and with age-old sectarian tensions resurfacing, we need to think broader and afresh. The EU must take decisive steps to strengthen its act on the world stage.

What we need now is a more comprehensive and integrated approach to all components of the EU's global profile, doing away with the artificial distinction between internal and external security.

To name just a few themes among many possible ones, we badly need a common strategic approach to issues concerning energy security, climate negotiations, the management of migration flows and cyber issues.

This is why Poland, Italy, Spain and Sweden asked national think-tanks to come up with elements for a European Global Strategy. These four think-tanks went on to buildt a network of 24 associated institutes, conducted seminars and conferences, and stimulated discussion all over Europe.

Their report, which was recently presented in Brussels is a contribution to the strategic debate within the EU. At the same time, it is not the final answer. Bringing together all strands of European Union external action into one strategic framework is no easy task, especially as we are not always used to thinking about external opportunities and challenges in European terms.

The debate, which is useful in and of itself, should continue. New ideas and concepts should be presented and discussed. We therefore welcome the idea of a conference, organized towards the end of this year under the auspices of Lithuania's presidency of the Council of Ministers. This conference will bring together the proponents for strengthening Europe's global role in the world.

The work on EU hardware is important. But it should go hand in hand with efforts to update the software of the European Global Strategy, so that as we emerge hopefully from the doldrums of the aftershocks of the 2008 financial crisis, we will have a Europe better fitting the global century that we have already entered.

Emma Bonino, Radoslaw Sikorski, José Manuel García-Margallo y Marfil and Carl Bildt are the foreign ministers of, respectively, Italy, Poland, Spain and Sweden.

The original version of this document can be found here: http://www.regeringen.se/sb/d/17009/a/220729

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2024 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS

From Swexit to Frexit: How Europe’s far-right parties have ditched plans to leave EU

Far-right parties, set to make soaring gains in the European Parliament elections in June, have one by one abandoned plans to get their countries to leave the European Union.

From Swexit to Frexit: How Europe's far-right parties have ditched plans to leave EU

Whereas plans to leave the bloc took centre stage at the last European polls in 2019, far-right parties have shifted their focus to issues such as immigration as they seek mainstream votes.

“Quickly a lot of far-right parties abandoned their firing positions and their radical discourse aimed at leaving the European Union, even if these parties remain eurosceptic,” Thierry Chopin, a visiting professor at the College of Europe in Bruges told AFP.

Britain, which formally left the EU in early 2020 following the 2016 Brexit referendum, remains the only country to have left so far.

Here is a snapshot:

No Nexit 

The Dutch Freedom Party (PVV) led by Geert Wilders won a stunning victory in Dutch national elections last November and polls indicate it will likely top the European vote in the Netherlands.

While the manifesto for the November election stated clearly: “the PVV wants a binding referendum on Nexit” – the Netherlands leaving the EU – such a pledge is absent from the European manifesto.

For more coverage of the 2024 European Elections click here.

The European manifesto is still fiercely eurosceptic, stressing: “No European superstate for us… we will work hard to change the Union from within.”

The PVV, which failed to win a single seat in 2019 European Parliament elections, called for an end to the “expansion of unelected eurocrats in Brussels” and took aim at a “veritable tsunami” of EU environmental regulations.

No Frexit either

Leaders of France’s National Rally (RN) which is also leading the polls in a challenge to President Emmanuel Macron, have also explicitly dismissed talk they could ape Britain’s departure when unveiling the party manifesto in March.

“Our Macronist opponents accuse us… of being in favour of a Frexit, of wanting to take power so as to leave the EU,” party leader Jordan Bardella said.

But citing EU nations where the RN’s ideological stablemates are scoring political wins or in power, he added: “You don’t leave the table when you’re about to win the game.”

READ ALSO: What’s at stake in the 2024 European parliament elections?

Bardella, 28, who took over the party leadership from Marine Le Pen in 2021, is one of France’s most popular politicians.

The June poll is seen as a key milestone ahead of France’s next presidential election in 2027, when Le Pen, who lead’s RN’s MPs, is expected to mount a fourth bid for the top job.

Dexit, maybe later

The co-leader of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, Alice Weidel, said in January 2024 that the United Kingdom’s Brexit referendum was an example to follow for the EU’s most populous country.

Weidel said the party, currently Germany’s second most popular, wanted to reform EU institutions to curb the power of the European Commission and address what she saw as a democratic deficit.

But if the changes sought by the AfD could not be realised, “we could have a referendum on ‘Dexit’ – a German exit from the EU”, she said.

The AfD which has recently seen a significant drop in support as it contends with various controversies, had previously downgraded a “Dexit” scenario to a “last resort”.

READ ALSO: ‘Wake-up call’: Far-right parties set to make huge gains in 2024 EU elections

Fixit, Swexit, Polexit…

Elsewhere the eurosceptic Finns Party, which appeals overwhelmingly to male voters, sees “Fixit” as a long-term goal.

The Sweden Democrats (SD) leader Jimmie Åkesson and leading MEP Charlie Weimers said in February in a press op ed that “Sweden is prepared to leave as a last resort”.

Once in favour of a “Swexit”, the party, which props up the government of Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson, in 2019 abandoned the idea of leaving the EU due to a lack of public support.

In November 2023 thousands of far-right supporters in the Polish capital Warsaw called for a “Polexit”.

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