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QUALITY OF LIFE

How does Germany’s ‘phantom border’ still divide the country?

The inner German border separated East and West Germany from 1949 until the two sides reunited in 1990. Though the border was destroyed 30 years ago, it still impacts the lives of people living on either side of the line.

Young boy watches the Berlin wall fall
June 1990 - A young boy looking on as heavy machinery is used to dismantle wall sections on the East German side of the Berlin Wall. Photo: picture alliance / dpa | Mauritz Antin

A so-called phantom border (Phantomgrenze) is an informal delineation that follows the course of an abolished political border. But not all fallen borders make for phantoms. 

Phantom borders are defined by demographic differences that are seen on each side due to a historical division, despite political union in the present.

Germany’s former East-West border is a classic example of a phantom border. People living in former East and West Germany lived within different economic and political systems for decades. 

Even though the nation has since unified, and Germans on both sides of the country have enjoyed freedom of movement for decades, a number of trends (from which brand of car people prefer to how likely they are to play tennis) show that east-west differences persist, as was recently shown in a collection of maps tweeted by researcher Tomas Pueyo.

Demarcated by the internal border, former East German states include Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Brandenburg, Saxony-Anhalt, Saxony, and Thuringia. East Berlin was also part of the former GDR, with the Berlin Wall slicing the city in half. 

READ ALSO: 33 years on – Are east and west Germany growing apart?

The East-West pay gap remains high

Many of the differences that remain between former East and West German lives come down to business and money.

A significant disparity remains between average monthly salaries, with people in the former East earning approximately €13,000 less per year than their western counterparts. 

A map of the headquarters of Germany’s largest firms shows that the country’s western and southern states are home to virtually all of the largest German companies, with just a handful of companies in the eastern states (excluding Berlin).

The west’s abundance of company offices also ties into its relatively low unemployment rates, whereas former eastern states are all plagued with significantly greater unemployment.

Interestingly, in terms of hours worked per year eastern regions tend to rank higher, with former West Germany averaging 1,281 hours worked per year versus 1,350 in the East. In other words, the lower incomes in the eastern states don’t seem to be linked to lower productivity. 

READ ALSO: 10 things you never knew about German reunification

Views of democracy are also affected by the phantom border

In addition to economic differences, former East and West Germany were ruled by entirely different political systems – with democratic organisation in the West and a socialist state under Soviet influence in the East.

All of Germany has since unified under the West’s democratic model, but a stark difference is still seen in the way people vote.

It appears that people in the former West have greater faith in the democratic process – voter turnout is noticeably lower in the former East. 

Of those that do vote, former Eastern Bloc citizens tend to prefer both the Left and the AfD parties (according to 2021 election results). In western states, meanwhile, voters are more likely to select the Greens.

READ ALSO: How the German language differed between East and West

The aforementioned economic disparity is one factor that is likely driving support for far-right political agendas in the East – where residents regularly report feeling left behind in modern Germany.

Another key factor is immigration issues.

How the East-West divide affects immigration

During the German Democratic Republic (former East Germany), residents didn’t experience much immigration except for people coming from Russia or other former Soviet states.

This decades old trend has continued to some degree until today, with the share of immigrants being generally higher in western regions, while Russian immigration in particular remains higher in the eastern Germany.

The famous Karl Marx statue in Chemnitz, Saxony.

The famous Karl Marx statue in Chemnitz, Saxony. The divisions between East and West can still be felt in Germany today. Photo: picture alliance/dpa/dpa-Zentralbild | Hendrik Schmidt

Growing up around immigrant communities, or not, seems to have affected attitudes and beliefs that some people have held onto long after ‘the wall’ fell. 

READ ALSO: Analysis – Are far-right sentiments growing in eastern Germany?

In present-day eastern Germany, there have been recent reports of immigrants moving away to escape racism and feeling unwelcome.

Some effects of the phantom border are unexpected

Beyond impacts that are directly linked to economic or political differences, Germany’s phantom border can also be felt in some trends that at first seem totally random.

For example, former Eastern regions tend to have more graffiti, and also happen to be home to about twice as many Olympic medal winners.

On the other hand, former Western regions have higher rates of organ donations and significantly more tennis courts.

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POLITICS

Citizenship reform: How a German minister you’ve never heard of is changing the lives of foreigners

Germany's coalition government is struggling. It's flagging in polls, sports few concrete policy wins, and its foreign policy is hotly debated. A notable exception is Interior Minister Nancy Faeser - a Social Democrat who remains a little discussed figure - despite overseeing legislation that hits at the core of Germany's identity.

Citizenship reform: How a German minister you've never heard of is changing the lives of foreigners

After all, few things are as existential to a country’s identity as deciding who gets to be a national or who gets to settle there and be a part of its community.

As Germany’s Interior Minister since late 2021, Faeser has been responsible for overseeing historic legislation on both. At a time when other European countries are tightening up citizenship and immigration rules – even for skilled, well-integrated immigrants – Faeser’s German Interior Ministry is betting on more openness.

March saw sweeping immigration reforms – designed to make it easier for skilled workers to come to Germany, bring their parents if they wish, and even come before having their foreign qualifications recognised by Germany’s notorious bureaucracy.

Skilled workers also have a faster route to permanent residence in Germany – after just 21 months in some cases.

Late 2024 will also see the introduction of the points-based Chancenkarte – or “opportunity card”. A German first, people with enough points could theoretically come to Germany without a firm job offer and look for work while already here. They might even be able to come if they don’t speak German yet – if they have enough points in other areas. In a country not normally known for its flexibility, Faeser’s Interior Ministry is showing much more of it in a bid to combat the country’s skilled labour shortage.

READ ALSO: The changes to Germany’s immigration rules in March 2024

Landmark citizenship reform

Many Local readers will also be familiar with another landmark piece of legislation from Faeser’s desk – Germany’s long-awaited dual nationality reform. After having seen repeated delays due to disputes between the three governing coalition parties, the Federal President finally signed and certified the new citizenship law in late March – starting a three-month countdown for the country’s bureaucracy to adapt to the new rules.

On June 26th, German citizenship law will allow people to hold multiple nationalities when naturalising and shorten the time someone will have needed to be in Germany before applying for citizenship from eight years to five.

Many people are becoming German

American Rick Hoffmann, Aussie-Italian Joe Del Borrello and Brazilian-Canadian Dini Silviera are looking forward to applying to becoming German following passage of the government’s dual citizenship reform. Photos: Rick Hoffmann, Joe Del Borrello, Dini Silviera

It’s not been without its controversy, with the country’s Christian Democrats (CDU) remaining vocal opponents until the end. CDU MP Alexander Throm described it as a “citizenship devaluation law” that has “the most wide-reaching negative consequences for our country” during the Bundestag session that saw the law’s final passage.

During that same debate, SPD MP Dirk Wiese pointed out a historical symmetry – namely that Faeser, a Social Democrat from Hesse, was responsible for passing dual nationality legislation that a CDU Premier of Hesse has originally torpedoed 25 years ago.

READ ALSO:

Throm was right about one thing. The results of Faeser’s legislation are likely to have long-lasting, far-reaching effects. Both the new law’s supporters and detractors can at least agree on its importance.

It may well end up being one of the longest-lasting legacies of the traffic light government. Even if the CDU take the Chancellery again in 2025 – as current polls would suggest – no other possible coalition partner is likely to agree to repeal the law. Dual nationality in Germany – and with it the acceptance of multifaceted identity – is likely here to stay, even if a future CDU-led government manages to tighten up immigration or asylum law in the future.

Nancy Faeser Boris Rhein

SPD candidate and Interior Minister Nancy Faeser and CDU candidate Boris Rhein in Wiesbaden, Hesse during the election campaign. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Boris Roessler

Faeser’s non-flashy style

Despite the weighty nature of the legislation she’s shepherded through her ministry and the Bundestag, Faeser isn’t known for grand pronouncements. She’s largely left it to others to make the public case for the dual nationality law’s importance, like parliamentary rapporteurs Hakan Demir (SPD), Filiz Polat (Green), and Stephan Thomae (FDP). She’s comfortable giving breakfast show interviews but rarely hits the evening talk show circuit.

A legislative workhorse, Faeser just seems to move on to her next task without a lot of fanfare for the one she just completed. The reason is likely equally unglamorous – she just has a lot to get done. Today immigration and citizenship reform, tomorrow proposals to tighten gun controls in Germany or issue visa bans for Russian athletes. She also found time to be her party’s top candidate in last autumn’s state election in her home state of Hesse.

Having never had a federal office before becoming Interior Minister, Faeser came from Hessian state politics, where she served as a member of the state parliament from 2003 to 2021, eventually becoming the Hessian SPD state party leader in 2019. At the time she became a minister in 2021, few Germans outside of Hesse had heard of her – never mind internationals.

Nancy Faeser smiles in November 2015 at the SPD state party conference in Kassel (Hesse).

Nancy Faeser smiles in November 2015 at the SPD state party conference in Kassel (Hesse). Photo: picture alliance / dpa | Uwe Zucchi

Media outlets both inside and outside of Germany keep their main focuses on politicians like Chancellor Olaf Scholz, Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, Vice-Chancellor Robert Habeck or Finance Minister Christian Lindner. With the controversy over Berlin’s strategy in Russia’s war against Ukraine, this is perhaps understandable.

But such a focus might sometimes miss another fundamental shift currently underway in Germany – as the country changes its approach to who gets to be a member of its national community. Nancy Faeser may well be one of the few members of the current German government to have a legacy that lasts well beyond her time in office.

Agree with her policies or not, that deserves more German and international reflection.

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