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SWEDISH HISTORY

INTERVIEW: ‘Sweden viewed the Sami as a lower form of culture’

On February 6th Sami communities all over Sápmi – an area spanning the northern reaches of Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia’s Kola peninsula – gather to celebrate Sami National Day. To find out more about the past, present and future of the Sami in Sweden, we speak to Charlotta Svonni, a researcher on indigenous education at Umeå University.

Charlotta Svonni
Photo: Charlotta Svonni

Before national borders were drawn in the Nordics, Sami hunters and fishers populated the area now known as Sápmi, and Sami National Day has become an important annual event for the celebration of Sami cultural traditions.

The date was chosen to mark the occasion of the first Sami Congress, held in Trondheim, Norway, in 1917 and reflects a desire among Sami communities for greater self-determination.

An estimated 20,000-40,000 Sami live in Sweden (the figure is uncertain since Sweden doesn’t gather data on ethnicity) and Sami languages are spoken across the region. A Sami parliament was established in 1993 to represent the interests of the Sami, who are one of the country’s five official minorities. 

Charlotta Svonni lives with her family in Umeå but is originally from Kiruna in the far north and belongs to the Sami village Laevas.

She recently completed a doctoral thesis on the ‘nomad schools’ instituted by Sweden to educate the children of reindeer herding Sami families and is well-versed in the colonisation and discrimination faced by the Sami over the centuries.

“If we start with the 1600s, the Sami religion was viewed as pagan and the crown wanted the Sami to be Christians,” she says. “Also, the crown wanted the Sami to pay taxes so that they could claim the land.”

In the decades that followed, Sweden encouraged more and more settlers to move north, dangling tax exemptions and freedom from conscription as very attractive incentives, she adds.

Relations between the Swedish authorities and the Sami frayed further as the nationalist ideologies proliferating in Sweden and elsewhere in Europe in the 19th century brought with them notions of racial supremacy.

“They viewed the Sami as belonging to a lower form of culture and that they were not able to take care of themselves. The view from the majority perspective, or the crown, was that if Sami people didn’t work with reindeers, they would die, they wouldn’t be able to live in Swedish society.

“But this was not for all Sami. One really important thing is that the crown of Sweden only wanted to preserve the reindeer herders that were in the mountain region, that were called the nomads.”

Sweden’s increasingly strict definition of the Samis’ role in society led to an exotification and segregation of the indigenous population, Svonni says. The mountain reindeer herders were expected to always wear traditional clothing and live a nomadic lifestyle in traditional tents, or kåtor. By contrast the forest-dwelling reindeer herders and other Sami were to be assimilated into Swedish society.

The nomad schools – boarding schools created for Sami children – further solidified this segregation, she says.

“They were not allowed to go to schools with the Swedes. They were not allowed to go to schools with other Sami people. So these reindeer herders went to the nomad school. This was created in 1913, around the same time period as the Racial Biology Institute, which was created in 1922. These were the kind of ideas flourishing in Sweden.”

Her voice cracks as she recalls a dark period of overt racism that affected many Sami, including her own family.

Svonni recommends anyone interested in this period to watch the 2016 film Sameblod (Sami Blood). The film tells the story of a girl attending a nomad school who, like many other Sami at the time, was subjected to degrading experiments at the hands of the Uppsala-based institute.

The nomad schools were finally shut down in 1962.

While relations with the state have improved immeasurably since the 1930s, Svonni says that “extractivism on Sami land” remains a central area of conflict.

“Just take all the mines. You have this big state company, LKAB, that’s situated in Kiruna, and there are always problems with that. You have this issue with Rönnbäcken in Tärnaby, if they are allowed to mine there or not. You also have the windmill parks and forestry. These are all big state companies but they don’t regard the Sami village or the reindeer husbandry people’s voice in this.”

Her claim is backed up by the fact that United Nations experts routinely chastise Sweden for its failure to adequately involve its indigenous population in consultation processes. But this criticism is also grounds for cautious optimism, says Svonni.

“I see some steps that are going in the right direction, and that is also due to the global indigenous issues moving forward. This puts pressure on Sweden, so I think it will become better in the future.”

A ‘truth commission’ established by Sweden to investigate abuses against the Sami is expected to present its findings in late 2025.

Hear more from Charlotta Svonni in the latest episode of The Local’s Sweden in Focus podcast.

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POLITICS IN SWEDEN

Dreadlocked bureaucrat: Who’s the Swedish Green Party’s likely next leader?

Sweden's former culture minister, Amanda Lind, has been put forward as the party's likely next leader. Here's what you need to know about her and why she can't be reduced to a hippy haircut.

Dreadlocked bureaucrat: Who's the Swedish Green Party's likely next leader?

What’s happened? 

The Green Party’s election committee has recommended that the party elect Amanda Lind, 43, as its new co-leader. 

The party officially calls its leaders “spokespersons”, or språkrör, and always has one man and one woman to ensure a gender-equal leadership. 

Lind, former culture minister and former party secretary, beat the party’s finance spokesperson, Janine Alm Ericson, and the party’s parliamentary group leader, Annika Hirvonen, to win the committee’s backing.

In a press release announcing its decision, the committee praised Lind’s “ability to communicate a vision and at the same time connect that to current political issues”, adding that her “particular experience in cultural issues” meant that she “fitted extremely well” with the party’s other leader Daniel Helldén who is more focused on issues like carbon emissions, energy, transport, and the green industrial transformation. 

So is she the leader yet? 

No. Although she has the backing of the party’s selection committee, Lind still needs to win the vote at a special additional party congress on April 28th, where 265 representatives of the party’s local districts have their say.

One of her two rivals, Hirvonen, has announced that she will not stand, but her other rival, Alm Ericson, is still in the race and got the public backing of a long list of top Green Party politicians, as well as the party’s youth group in a public opinion piece in Aftonbladet on Saturday.

“Amanda is a good candidate but I also have broad support in the party, not least from Green Youth. That means a lot. That’s why I’ve decided to continue putting forward my candidacy,” Janine Alm Ericson told SvD in an email.

Who is Amanda Lind? 

Don’t go on the dreadlocks alone.

Lind is seen within the party as a formidable organiser, who served as Sweden’s culture minister between January 2019 until the Green Party left the government in November 2021, and was party secretary between 2016 and 2019.

As a minister, she played a key role in bringing in and then lifting Covid-19 restrictions on theatre performances and sports grounds, standing firm and defending her position, despite calls for her resignation from the novelist and comedian Jonas Gardell and others. 

She also attended the award of a prize to Gui Minhai, the imprisoned Chinese writer, pushing China’s ambassador to Sweden to threaten to ban her from entering his country. 

In her private life, she is more a nerd than a rastafarian reggae obsessive, enjoying live action role-playing (LARPing) and at some point learning Esperanto, an invented language designed to facilitate global communication. In 2019, she gave a video address to the World Esperanto Congress in quite fluent sounding Esperanto

She grew up in Luleå in the far north of Sweden, meaning she is a good balance with Helldén, who comes from Lidingö, an upmarket suburb of Stockholm. 

What does her recommendation mean for the Green Party? 

Taken together with the ponytail sported by her male counterpart, it shows the party doubling down on non-conventional hairstyle choices. 

More seriously, when it comes to the issues of policy and strategy, it pushes back slightly against Helldén and his purported preference for a party more focused on narrow environmental issues, such as climate, energy, and biodiversity.

Lind is seen as more focused on social and cultural issues, like the rights of Sami people and immigration, even though in her campaign to win the backing of party members, she emphasised her wish to attack the government’s failings when it comes to climate policy, and said that the Green Party needs to focus on pushing for a “social just green transition”, which does not punish people living in the countryside or on lower incomes.  

Alm Ericson is seen as more closely aligned to Helldén’s more technology-focused approach, even though she, in much the same way as Lind, has emphasised her engagement in social issues in her campaign for the support of party members. 

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