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ENERGY

OPINION: A winter energy crunch in Europe looks a distinct possibility

Last winter passed without major gas shortages, thanks to EU-wide actions - but the problem is far from solved for the winters to come, warns global energy specialist Professor Michael Bradshaw.

A gas hob
A gas hob. Photo: Charly TRIBALLEAU / AFP

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine imposed a sudden energy shock on Europe 18 months ago. Faced with the prospect of much less Russian gas, there were fears that Europe’s energy infrastructure would not cope with winter 2022-23, causing economies to crumble.

Yet a mild winter and the EU’s gradual rollout of a plan to reduce its energy consumption and buy more from alternative suppliers saw it emerge shaken but not beaten on the other side.

Germany, Italy and other gas-reliant nations pivoted from Russian dependency without major electricity shortages.

Since then, there has been more good news. Energy prices have fallen steadily in 2023, while Europe’s gas storage levels hit 90 percent capacity three months ahead of the November target and could even hit 100 percent in September.

According to politicians like the German energy minister, Robert Habeck, the worst of the energy crisis is over.

Yet, as we shall see, it’s a little early to be so confident.

New vulnerabilities

The share of EU piped gas imports from Russia fell from 39 percent to just 17 percent between early 2022 and early 2023. To cope with this shift, the EU has become much more reliant on shipments of liquefied natural gas (LNG) than before.

LNG’s total share of EU gas imports rose from 19 percent in 2021 to around 39 percent in 2022, amid a rapid upgrade to infrastructure that aims to have grown LNG capacity by one-third between 2021 and 2024. (Indeed, 13 percent of LNG imports into the EU actually still come from Russia, whose shipments have also significantly increased since the invasion).

This LNG increase has made European countries vulnerable to volatility in that market – particularly as 70 percent of these imports are bought at short notice rather than using the long-term oil indexed contracts that prevail in Asia.

For example, we’ve seen Europe’s benchmark gas price ticking upwards in recent weeks due to concerns over strikes at Australian LNG plants. This shows that supplies remain tight and that there are many potential disruptions in our highly interconnected world market.

To synchronise demand for LNG, the European Commission has introduced initiatives like the EU Energy Platform, an IT platform that makes it easier for supplier companies in member states to jointly buy the fuel. However, it is uncertain what level of supplies can be channelled through this instrument as it remains untested. Additionally, the industry fears this kind of state intervention could backfire and undermine the functioning of the market.

As for pipeline gas, Norway has overtaken Russia to become Europe’s leading supplier, providing 46 percent of the requirement in early 2023 (compared to 38 percent a year earlier). This extra load has strained Norway’s gas infrastructure. In May and June, delayed maintenance work caused sluggish flows that drove up prices, again showing how tight the European market is at present. Extended maintenance work in Norway leading to more obstructions in future looks distinctly possible.

Meanwhile, the EU is still expected to have to buy around 22 bcm (billion cubic metres) from Russia this year. That’s the equivalent of around 11 of all the pipeline gas used by the bloc in 2022. A large proportion is coming through Ukraine, and with the current Russia-Ukraine transit agreement unlikely to be renewed after it expires in 2024, this supply route is in jeopardy.

As part of the pivot away from Russia, the EU managed to reduce gas consumption by 13 percent in 2022, according to the International Energy Agency (against a target of 15 percent). In the months ahead, war-weary EU states may not do so well on this front.

It will not help that prices have fallen, nor that some states didn’t pull their weight last winter. Only 14 out of 27 EU members introduced mandatory energy reduction policies, while eastern states like Poland, Romania and Bulgaria did little to reduce consumption. Should there be a physical shortage of gas in continental Europe this winter, this might undermine calls for solidarity.

What comes next

The harsh reality is that for at least another two or three winters, Europe will have to hope for mild weather across the northern hemisphere without major interruptions to global LNG supply if it is to avoid significant gas price spikes.

Even as things stand, European gas prices remain around 50 percent above their pre-invasion long-run average, which is hurting both households and businesses. This is particularly important for Germany, the EU’s industrial powerhouse, with its energy-intensive automotive and chemical industries. There are growing concerns that continued high energy prices could promote de-industralisaton as energy-intensive industries move elsewhere.

The good news is that pressure on gas should at least subside from the mid-2020s. Significant new supplies of LNG will come online in the US and Qatar and the market will re-balance. European gas demand should also get significantly lower – down 40 percent by 2030, according to the energy reduction plan.

There is even talk of a supply glut by the end of the decade, depending on renewable energy deployment accelerating in Europe, and a new generation of nuclear power stations coming on stream. This would significantly reduce Europe’s need to import gas for good, but will only happen if the bloc coordinates effectively.

We saw what can be achieved in the months after the invasion when France supplied gas to Germany to help reduce its dependence on Russia, then Germany later supplied more electricity to French cities to help with outages caused by nuclear reactor maintenance.

The challenge is to take the same approach to decarbonisation.

While France tries to gather support for nuclear modernisation both at home and elsewhere in Europe, it is facing opposition from the likes of the German-led “Friends of Renewals” group, which advocates building out only renewable energy. Divisions like these may prove a serious obstacle in achieving a more rapid energy transformation away from fossil fuels.

So while Europe has managed to pivot away from Russia’s pipeline gas, it will remain exposed to the volatility of global gas markets unless it reduces its gas demand significantly in the coming years.

Michael Bradshaw is Professor of Global Energy at Warwick Business School, University of Warwick, in the UK. This article first appeared in The Conversation – find it here.

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BREAKING

BREAKING: Spain’s PM may quit over wife’s corruption probe

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez said Wednesday he was weighing the possibility of resigning after a court opened an investigation into his wife Begoña Gómez on suspicion of graft.

BREAKING: Spain's PM may quit over wife's corruption probe

“I need to stop and think” in order to decide “whether I should continue to head the government or whether I should give up this honour,” he wrote in a letter posted on X, formerly Twitter.

He added that he would announce his decision on Monday and suspend his schedule until then.

A Madrid court said earlier on Wednesday that it had “opened an investigation into Begoña Gómez for the alleged offence of influence peddling and corruption” in response to a complaint by Manos Limpias (Clean Hands), an anti-corruption pressure group whose leader is linked to the far right.

The court statement came several hours after online news site El Confidencial said investigators were probing Gómez’s ties to several private companies that received government funding or won public contracts.

The site said the probe was linked to the alleged ties which Gómez had with Spanish tourism group Globalia, which owns Air Europa.

It said she had twice met with Javier Hidalgo, Globalia’s CEO at the time, when the carrier was in talks with the government to secure a huge bailout after it was badly hit by the plunge in air traffic due to the Covid-19 crisis.

At the time, Gómez was running IE Africa Center, a foundation linked to Madrid’s Instituto de Empresa (IE) business school, a position she left in 2022.

The announcement sparked an angry backlash from the right-wing opposition Popular Party (PP), which has harangued Sánchez for months about his wife’s alleged business ties.

But Socialist premier Sánchez, in office since 2018, said in his letter that the complaint was based on “non-existent” facts and was part of a campaign of “harassment” against his wife led by “ultraconservative” media and supported by the conservative and far-right opposition.

“I am not naïve. I am aware that they are bringing charges against Begoña, not because she’s done anything illegal, because they know full well that’s not true, but because she’s my wife,” he added.

Talks during airline bailout

El Confidencial said IE Africa Center had “signed a sponsorship agreement with Globalia in 2020” and that Gomez had also held a private meeting with Hidalgo at the company’s offices.

“At the same time Globalia was negotiating a multi-million-euro bailout with the government,” it noted.

Last month, Globalia told El Confidencial that Hidalgo and Gómez had met at its Madrid offices on June 24 and July 16.

Between those dates, Sánchez’s government on July 3rd announced the creation of a €10-billion fund to bail out strategic firms worst hit by Covid.

Four months later, his cabinet approved a 475-million-euro lifeline for Air Europa, the first Spanish company to tap the funds.

Investigators are also looking into two letters of support Gomez allegedly provided for a joint venture bidding for a public contract, El Confidencial said.

The joint venture’s main shareholder was consultant Carlos Barrabes, who has ties to the department run by Gómez at Madrid’s Complutense University.

It won the contract, beating 20 rivals, and was awarded €10.2 million, it said.

‘Trumpesque practices’

Manos Limpias, which filed the complaint, is headed by lawyer Miguel Bernad.

Bernad was initially sentenced to four years behind bars in 2021 over a scheme to extort major firms, but last month was acquitted by the Supreme Court for lack of evidence.

Questioned in Wednesday’s parliamentary session about the El Confidencial story, Sanchez told lawmakers: “Despite everything, I still believe in Spain’s justice system.”

Senior PP official Ester Muñoz said it was “imperative” he explain.

“His family is being investigated by the court… it is important enough that the prime minister explains himself to the Spanish people.”

In a parliamentary session last month, PP leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo had warned Sánchez there would be an investigation.

“If you refuse to give explanations again… there will be a specific investigation into matters affecting those closest to you, a parliamentary probe for sure, and a judicial one if necessary.”

But Sanchez’s deputy, Budget Minister María Jesus Montero, hit back.

“They are using a spurious complaint by a far-right organisation to defame and slander the prime minister,” she said.

“We will not let these Trumpesque practices undermine Spain’s democracy.”

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