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POLITICS

‘Here to stay’: How the far-right AfD became a strong political force in Germany

The far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party has gained an increasingly strong foothold in German politics. How did it go from being a little-known Eurosceptic party to a prominent political force in the space of a single decade?

AfD election campaigners set up a stall in Berlin Charlottenburg.
AfD election campaigners set up a stall in Berlin Charlottenburg. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Jörg Carstensen

Ten years ago, on February 6th, 2013, a group of disgruntled Eurosceptics founded a new party as a vehicle for protests against the European currency union and bailouts to struggling economies.

The Alternative for Germany (AfD) – a play on Angela Merkel’s claim that there was no “alternative” to financial aid for Greece – was the project of economics professor Bernd Lucke, journalist Konrad Adam and former CDU member Alexander Gauland.

It combined free-market economics with calls for an orderly exit from the Eurozone – but its dry economic message was largely confined to an audience of fringe academics in stuffy backrooms and lecture halls. 

A decade on – as the party celebrates its tenth anniversary – all three founding members have left, and the party is almost unrecognisable.

“Originally there was one agenda: Euroscepticism,” political scientist Florian Hartleb told The Local’s Germany in Focus podcast. “But all the former leaders have stepped out of the party and the AfD is now what we’re describing within Europe as a radical right-wing, populist, or even now extremist party.”

At the same time, Hartleb says, the AfD has become an undeniably powerful force in German politics. They’ve entered the national parliament, unleashed a groundswell of support in eastern German states like Saxony and Brandenburg and in Thuringia, they have even become the largest party. 

READ ALSO: ‘Yes to Dexit’: Germany’s far-right AfD firms up election strategy

Growing support

So, how did the face of the AfD change so much over the past ten years – and how has it managed to gain such a strong influence in German politics? 

According to Hartleb, there are multiple answers to this – from the Covid pandemic to disillusionment with left-leaning politics. 

However, it’s not hard to trace the AfD’s biggest upswing in support back to the migrant crisis of 2015. 

“It’s very simple: in the summer of 2015, the AfD was at three percent in the polls,” he says. “Then, after everything started, in the autumn and winter of 2015 and 2016, the AfD entered all the state parliaments and eventually also the Bundestag.”

Political scientist Florian Hartleb.

Political scientist Florian Hartleb. Photo: Enriko Lill

As Hartleb sees it, the influx of Syrian refugees into Germany – combined with a seeming unwillingness of mainstream politics to address the topic – ended up giving the AfD an opening.

“Of course, the topic of migration is very sensitive in Germany,” Hartleb explains. “In the past years, we’ve had Islamist attacks in Germany, but since the topic is so sensitive, political decision-makers try not to make any connection between migration and crimes and this actually gives the AfD a platform.”

In the winter of 2015, following a reversal in their political fortunes, AfD co-founder Gauland would go on to describe the crisis as a “gift” to the party.

READ ALSO: Germany’s far-right AfD ‘placed under surveillance’

Extremist ideologies 

Another key change that has helped the AfD gain support – particularly in eastern states – is the fact that it has found a way to connect on a local and regional level.

“At the beginning, the AfD was more of a phantom party, so you didn’t know the leaders, you didn’t know the people who were running, they weren’t in the clubs, they weren’t public figures,” says Hartleb.

“Now, three decades after reunification, we’re still seeing a West-East divide, and just like the post-communist party (Die Linke), we’re seeing that the AfD is particularly strong in local areas – so they’ve basically grown their support with local personalities.” 

One such personality is Björn Höcke. Born in Thuringia – where the AfD is a prominent force – Höcke has become a resilient but controversial figure in German politics, stirring up controversy with his nationalist views and statements promoting ethnic homogeneity in Germany. 

The AfD politician also caused uproar in 2017 after describing Berlin’s Holocaust Memorial as a “monument of shame” and calling an end to Germany’s post-Nazi era culture of remembrance.

These days, his far-right wing of the party – Der Flügel – is widely considered to be pulling the strings in the AfD. It’s a wing of the party that Hartleb describes as “dangerous” – so much so that its members are subject to surveillance by the German authorities.

Anti-AfD protest Hesse

A man holds a sign describing Björn Höcke as a “fascist” at an anti-AfD protest in Hesse. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Lino Mirgeler

The party also has links to the extremist Reichsbürger – or state-denier – movement: a group that claims that modern Germany isn’t a legitimate state, but rather a vassal of the Allied Forces after the Second World War. 

Back in December, the movement was associated with a far-right plot to overthrow German democracy – and a former AfD politician was one of the figures at the centre of it. 

READ ALSO: Who was involved in the alleged plot to ‘overthrow German democracy’?

But despite the transition from Eurosceptic to right-wing populist and even extremist politics, Hartleb notes that attempts to shut the AfD out of the German political system have failed.

“From the perspective of the liberal democracy and also for the protection of our constitution, nothing has worked out,” he says. “The AfD is powerful – it got stronger in the light of the pandemic – and at the moment, the AfD is the strongest force in Thuringia, where Björn Höcke is from.”

Excluded

As around 300 party members gathered in the Hessian town of Königstein to celebrate the AfD’s ten-year anniversary on February 6th, the message from party leader Alice Weidel was: “We’re here to stay.”

Other mainstream political parties in Germany have all categorically ruled out working with the AfD in a coalition, meaning that – short of getting an outright majority – they are likely to be shut out of government for the foreseeable future. 

But according to Hartleb, the party is likely to occupy a prominent place in German politics for many years to come – despite attempts to marginalise them.

AfD leader Alice Weidel

AfD leader Alice Weidel gives a speech at the party’s 10-year anniversary celebrations in Königstein. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Hannes P Albert

“They’re here to stay because there’s a gap in the party system,” he says. “Hendrik Wüst, the state premier of North Rhine-Westphalia, basically said a couple of months ago that the CDU is not a conservative party anymore, so we see that there is some kind of demand, as well as a nostalgia to have back the good old times.”

This – combined with uncertainty about Germany’s future direction and place on the world stage – should continue to give the AfD a place in German politics. 

“The AfD is a right-wing radical party, and it would harm the reputation (of Germany) if they entered government,” says Hartleb. “They are also dangerous in that sense that they polarise society and they’re dealing with fake news. 

“But there are many obstacles and uncertainties and that’s why the AfD will stay. They will be excluded but they will continue to be an important factor in German politics.”

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CLIMATE CRISIS

INTERVIEW: ‘Failed climate policies are fuelling far-right politics in Germany’

Alt-right political parties tend to oppose environmental protections, but is there a connection between their political success and climate policy failures? Author and thought-leader Sandrine Dixson-Declève explains why Germany may be having a ‘1930s moment’, and why the next elections are gravely important.

INTERVIEW: 'Failed climate policies are fuelling far-right politics in Germany'

It’s understood that far-right and populist political parties tend to either downplay the realities of climate change, or block progressive policies that would try to mitigate its impacts. But the link between failed climate policies and the recent rise of populist parties is rarely addressed.

Speaking as a panellist at the Green Tech Festival in Berlin on Thursday, climate policy thought-leader Sandrine Dixson-Declève voiced concern that poor climate and economic policies are fuelling the popularity of far-right politics in Germany and across Europe. 

Co-president of the Club of Rome, Dixson-Declève works to promote policies that she believes would help secure a sustainable future for humanity. Such policies are laid out in the book Earth for All: A Survival Guide for Humanity, that she co-authored.

The Local spoke with Sandrine Dixson-Declève about Germany’s climate policy failures, and why she thinks the upcoming European elections are of the utmost importance.

The shortcomings of Germany’s ‘Energiewende’ had serious political consequences

Having been a contributor and advisor to Germany’s Energiewende (energy transition), Dixson-Declève has followed German politics and environmental policy for years.

“I believe that one of the biggest mistakes was that we politicised energy policy in Germany from the outset,” she told The Local, adding, “Merkel actually accepted the big green push to pull out of nuclear, which actually created a big mess.”

Germany’s anti-nuclear energy movement dates back to the 19070s, and led to the foundation of the Green party. Under Merkel’s leadership, a plan was adopted to phase out nuclear power with the last three nuclear power plants taken offline in 2023.

But losing nuclear power as an energy source came with some serious consequences.

“The first big mess was the continued burning of coal,” Dixson-Declève explained. “The second big mess was Nord Stream 2, and that led to the invasion of Ukraine…because it gave Putin power.”

Still, she wouldn’t suggest that Germany try to revive its nuclear power now: “I believe that Germany needs to really think through the next steps.”

READ ALSO: ‘Nuclear power is a dead horse in Germany’: Scholz rejects reopening plants 

Protestors run past riot police

A wave of protestors break through police lines at Lützerath. Open pit coal mining in west Germany destroyed most of the Hambach Forest, as well as dozens of villages such as Lützerath. At both sites massive citizen protests were met with brutal police evictions. Photo by Paul Krantz.

Energy efficiency is the missing piece to Germany’s climate plans

How to build up renewable energy infrastructure is at the centre of most discourse around curbing fossil fuel use, but using the energy we have more efficiently arguably deserves more immediate attention.

“The other missing link, which no one talks about, is energy efficiency,” Dixson-Declève said. “Actually the best energy is the energy you don’t use. That is unsexy, and that is why energy efficiency hasn’t been taken up the way it should have been since 2010.”

While working on climate and energy plans in 2010, she says she came across a study that said Europe could wean itself off of Russian gas just by putting energy efficiency requirements in place for buildings.

In 2022 the European Commission finally began to take this idea seriously when Germany and Europe suddenly needed to replace Russian gas imports, following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Another massive energy saver that has been politicised for all the wrong reasons in Germany is heat pumps.

According to Eurostat data, about half of all energy consumed in the EU is used for heating and cooling, and most of that energy comes from fossil fuels. Heat pumps are significantly more efficient than boilers and allow for greater use of renewable energy sources.

But when Economy Minister Robert Habeck led an effort to promote heat pumps by banning new fossil-powered heating systems, conservative and far-right parties jumped on the issue as if it were an attack on personal freedoms. 

“As environmentalists, we need to get better at translating the environmental narrative into something that resonates with people,” said Dixson-Declève. 

READ ALSO: Reader question – How do I install a heat pump in my German property?

A unified coalition government that is serious about climate protections might have better communicated to people that heat pumps would ultimately save them money: “They should have been enabled in a way that truly assisted people in getting the heat that they needed in an affordable way at the right time.”

‘I am very scared we are in a 1930s moment’

Whereas the coalition government has largely failed to communicate to voters how environmental policies will improve their lives and save them money, conservative and far-right parties have done extremely well at hijacking the narrative. 

The European People’s Party (EPP – the EU’s largest conservative party), for example, is particularly adept at using citizens’ economic concerns to block environmental policies.

Having analysed the EPP’s manifestos, Dixson-Declève notes that they acknowledge the need to mitigate climate change, but say that protections cannot cost. 

“I think the EPP has done a very good job both of putting in fear of the greens, [as if] they’re only going to think about green climate policies and not about social policies [whereas] we’re here to think about you.”

Sandrine Dixson-Declève with Earth for All

Sandrine Dixson-Declève holds up a copy of the book ‘Earth for All’ alongside two of the book’s co-authors. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Wolfgang Kumm

Germany’s far-right parties tend to use similar messaging to try and convince voters that they will better improve the lives of citizens than the current coalition parties have. 

READ ALSO: Why are the far-right AfD doing so well in German polls?

Nearly 100 years ago, the National Socialist (Nazi) party succeeded in drumming up major support along similar lines.

Speaking as a panellist at Berlin’s Green Tech Festival, when asked how she thought European politicians were doing on climate issues, Dixson-Declève described them as deer in the headlights, adding, “I am very scared we are in a 1930s moment”.

“I think that in the 1930s we didn’t see Hitler coming, we didn’t read the tea leaves,” she told The Local, adding that in the present moment, “people are suffering. When people suffer, they look to anything, any message that’s going to make them feel like that next leader is going to help them.” 

She also suggests that we can’t count on the youth vote to save us, citing Argentina and Portugal as two places where young voters have actually pushed politics to the right recently.

READ ALSO: A fight for the youth vote: Are German politicians social media savvy enough?

“This is a tipping moment politically, and if we’re not careful, it could explode in our faces,” said Dixson-Declève. “We need to get as many people to vote this year [as possible]. It’s an absolutely fundamental vote, alongside the United States, in order to make sure that we don’t slide to the right across Europe.”

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