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POLITICS

Why has Italy’s government collapsed in the middle of summer?

The latest Italian political crisis may have appeared to come out of the blue, but many in the country are not surprised at all by the downfall of yet another government.

Why has Italy's government collapsed in the middle of summer?
The Italian prime minister's seat stands empty in the Senate. Photo by FILIPPO MONTEFORTE / AFP

Prime Minister Mario Draghi has resigned and Italy now faces early elections thanks to a political crisis that, until just over a week ago, no one was really talking about.

But Draghi’s downfall didn’t come as a complete shock to the Italian electorate.

The writing had been on the wall for the country’s government for weeks, if not months: a crisis has long been threatening to erupt due to tensions within the Five Star Movement – a major partner within the coalition – which came to a head in June when the party split

Draghi had repeatedly warned that there would be “no government without Five Star”, and when the party pulled its support last week he immediately said he’d resign.

Still, many observers expressed surprise at the timing. Why now? Why trigger the collapse of the government right before the summer recess?

But if you’d thought Italy’s politicians might be too busy building sandcastles or packing suitcases to stab each other in the back at this time of year, you thought wrong.

Italy’s parliamentary summer break officially runs throughout August until early September, even if it’s not unheard of for lawmakers to go away in July too. And yet, the height of summer is a common time of year for Italian governments to implode.

TIMELINE: What happens next in Italy’s government crisis?

Often, as was the case when the ‘Conte 2’ government was created after ‘Conte 1’ fell apart in August 2019, a new administration is quickly formed from the ashes of the old one to see the country through until at least autumn.

This is such a common phenomenon that it’s referred to in Italian political discourse, only half-jokingly, as a governo balneare, or ‘seaside government’ – one that allows most MPs to stay at the beach with their families, rather than having to return to sweltering Rome to vote.

But summer won’t be saved by a governo balneare this time. The president is set to announce early elections; probably for late September or early October, since there’s little chance they’d be held during August, when the country all but shuts down.

So politicians’ holidays won’t be cut short – though they will no doubt be overshadowed by looming campaign preparations, while for voters it will be yet another summer marred by political and economic uncertainty.

In Italy, few people seem truly surprised by the events of the past week. There’s a sense of inevitability – though that’s not to say voters don’t find it all tiresome, or infuriating.

Considering it’s been more than 17 months since Draghi was sworn in, some might even say a change of administration seems overdue by Italian political standards.

Italy's Prime Minister Mario Draghi addresses the Senate in Rome on July 20, 2022.

Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi addresses the Senate in Rome on July 20, 2022. Photo by Andreas SOLARO / AFP.

Italy is of course no stranger to political instability. The country has had 14 prime ministers and 19 different governments in the last 30 years. That’s a new prime minister almost every two years on average and a new government every 18 months.

To observers outside of the country these numbers can seem incredible, and the Italian political system may understandably appear chaotic and out of control. 

But if you look at the way Italy’s parliamentary democracy is built, you begin to see that such apparent precariousness and unpredictability is more of a feature than a bug.

We have a detailed explanation of how the system works (and why it leads to regular government implosions) here.

But the most important thing to know is that, after a major political shake-up in the early 90s, Italy today has an unusually large number of parties for voters to choose from – rather than the sort of entrenched two-party system seen in countries like the US or UK.

With the vote inevitably split many different ways, it’s usually impossible for one party, or even a coalition (for example, a left- or right-wing alliance) to secure enough seats to govern alone.

READ ALSO: Why do Italy’s governments collapse so often?

Instead, parties must work together to get into power. That’s why Italy is so often ruled by grand coalitions, or a group of parties which join together after the vote – even though they may not be natural allies.

It’s not hard to imagine why such coalitions often have a hard time agreeing on legislation, and often end up in disagreements that lead to government collapse.

Under Italian rules, parties within these coalitions can pull out at will – even if, as the tiny Italia Viva party demonstrated in 2021, they represent only a minority of MPs.

That leaves governments vulnerable to blow-ups and opportunism, as junior partners seek more influence or cabinet positions by threatening to pull the plug on the entire administration, and in some cases following through.

Draghi’s ‘government of unity’ was one of the grandest coalitions of all, encompassing almost every major party – other than the far-right Brothers of Italy – when it was formed in February 2021 to see the country through the pandemic and economic crisis and prevent snap elections following the last government collapse.

With so many partners involved, the only real surprise was that Draghi’s government lasted as long as it did.

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POLITICS

‘Worrying developments’: NGOs warn of growing pressure on Italian media freedom

Media freedom in Italy has come increasingly under pressure since Giorgia Meloni's hard-right government took office, a group of European NGOs warned on Friday following an urgent fact-finding summit.

‘Worrying developments’: NGOs warn of growing pressure on Italian media freedom

They highlighted among their concerns the continued criminalisation of defamation – a law Meloni herself has used against a high-profile journalist – and the proposed takeover of a major news agency by a right-wing MP.

The two-day mission, led by the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), was planned for the autumn but brought forward due to “worrying developments”, Andreas Lamm of the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF) told a press conference.

The ECPMF’s monitoring project, which records incidents affecting media freedom such as legal action, editorial interference and physical attacks, recorded a spike in Italy’s numbers from 46 in 2022 to 80 in 2023.

There have been 49 so far this year.

Meloni, the leader of the far-right Brothers of Italy party, took office as head of a hard-right coalition government in October 2022.

A key concern of the NGOs is the increased political influence over the RAI public broadcaster, which triggered a strike by its journalists this month.

READ ALSO: Italy’s press freedom ranking drops amid fears of government ‘censorship’

“We know RAI was always politicised…but now we are at another level,” said Renate Schroeder, director of the Brussels-based EFJ.

The NGO representatives – who will write up a formal report in the coming weeks – recommended the appointment of fully independent directors to RAI, among other measures.

They also raised concerns about the failure of repeated Italian governments to decriminalise defamation, despite calls for reform by the country’s Constitutional Court.

Meloni herself successfully sued journalist Roberto Saviano last year for criticising her attitude to migrants.

“In a European democracy a prime minister does not respond to criticism by legally intimidating writers like Saviano,” said David Diaz-Jogeix of London-based Article 19.

He said that a proposed reform being debated in parliament, which would replace imprisonment with fines of up to 50,000 euros, “does not meet the bare minimum of international and European standards of freedom of expression”.

The experts also warned about the mooted takeover of the AGI news agency by a group owned by a member of parliament with Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini’s far-right League party – a proposal that also triggered journalist strikes.

READ ALSO: How much control does Giorgia Meloni’s government have over Italian media?

Beatrice Chioccioli of the International Press Institute said it posed a “significant risk for the editorial independence” of the agency.

The so-called Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) consortium expressed disappointment that no member of Meloni’s coalition responded to requests to meet with them.

They said that, as things stand, Italy is likely to be in breach of a new EU media freedom law, introduced partly because of fears of deteriorating standards in countries such as Hungary and Poland.

Schroeder said next month’s European Parliament elections could be a “turning point”, warning that an increase in power of the far-right across the bloc “will have an influence also on media freedom”.

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