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Germany’s far-right AfD hopes for gains in eastern heartland

Germany's far-right AfD hopes for more gains in the ex-communist east on Sunday when voters go to the polls in the state of Thuringia, even as the party comes under pressure in the wake of a deadly shooting at a synagogue.

Germany's far-right AfD hopes for gains in eastern heartland
AfD supporters in Erfurt, Thuringia on October 26th. Photo: DPA

While popular premier Bodo Ramelow of the far-left Die Linke party is expected to retain the top spot, one of the AfD’s most radical figures is leading its battle for second place with Chancellor Angela Merkel’s centre-right Christian Democrats (CDU).

The campaign has been marked by anger, threats and bitter recriminations, with CDU candidate Mike Mohring labelling the AfD’s local leader, the nationalist hardliner Björn Höcke, a “Nazi”.

As in other parts of east Germany, which is marking the fall of the Berlin Wall 30 years ago, the anti-immigrant AfD  expects strong gains, with polls suggesting it will at least double the 10.6 percent it scored in 2014.

Opinion surveys, however, suggest support for the AfD has softened slightly in the wake of an October 9th attack in the eastern city of Halle, in which a suspected neo-Nazi shot dead two people, having tried and failed to storm a packed synagogue on the Jewish holy day of Yom Kippur.

A poll on Thursday by public broadcaster ZDF gave Die Linke 28 percent, followed by the CDU at 26 percent and the AfD at 21 percent, with all other groups scoring below 10 percent.

In the eastern states of Saxony and Brandenburg last month, the AfD surged to become the second-largest force, although in both cases the mainstream parties kept a pact not to enter into government with the AfD.

With a population of just over two million people, and a similar agreement between parties not to govern with the AfD, Thuringia’s election is unlikely to cause any political earthquakes in Berlin.

But the vote is being closely watched as a snapshot of the mood in the AfD heartland, especially given the role of Höcke, a former history teacher considered extreme even within the AfD.

Höcke, 47, has in the past labelled Berlin’s Holocaust memorial a “monument of shame” and called for a “180-degree shift” in Germany’s remembrance culture and atonement for the crimes against humanity committed by the Nazi regime.

Last month, Höcke stormed out of a television interview after some of his statements were likened to those of Adolf Hitler, complaining later that the media had cast him as “the devil of the nation”.

The CDU’s Mohring ramped up the rhetoric at a recent town hall event in Erfurt when he said: “To me, Höcke is a Nazi.”

With tensions running high on the campaign trail, police are also investigating death threats against Mohring and Greens co-leader Robert Habeck. Mohring said he had received messages from neo-Nazis threatening him with the same fate as pro-migrant CDU official Walter Lübcke, who was shot dead last June in a suspected far-right murder.

“Hatred must not be allowed to win,” Mohring told Bild. “We have to stick together and hold the line against the right and against Nazis.”

Police are also investigating an arson attack on an AfD campaign truck at the weekend, saying they “cannot rule out a political motive”.

The AfD started out as a eurosceptic fringe party before reinventing itself as an anti-Islam, anti-refugee party to capitalise on anger over an influx of asylum seekers in 2015.

It is now the country’s largest opposition party in the federal parliament.

Its populist message has resonated strongest with voters in Germany’s former communist east where resentment lingers over lower wages and fewer job opportunities.

Ramelow on Friday charged that “the AfD claims to be the party that cares.

But in reality, it is a party that knows nothing but outrage”.                             

READ ALSO: Far-right AfD second strongest force in Brandenburg and Saxony

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ELECTIONS

Germany’s far-right AfD ahead in regional poll with anti-shutdown stance

Best known as an anti-migrant party, Germany's far-right AfD has seized on the coronavirus pandemic to court a new type of voter ahead of regional elections in the state of Saxony-Anhalt on Sunday: anti-shutdown activists.

Germany's far-right AfD ahead in regional poll with anti-shutdown stance
Björn Höcke, party chairman in Thuringia, at an election event in Merseburg, Saxony-Anhalt on May 29th. Photo: picture alliance/dpa/dpa-Zentralbild | Sebastian Willnow

“Sending so many people into poverty with so few infections is problematic for us,” is how Oliver Kirchner, the AfD’s top candidate in Saxony-Anhalt, views the measures ordered by the government to halt Covid-19 transmission.

The anti-shutdown stance seems to be paying off in the former East German state. The party is riding high in the polls and even stands a chance of winning a regional election for the first time.

READ ALSO: Germany’s far-right AfD chooses hardline team ahead of national elections

Surveys have the AfD neck-and-neck with Chancellor Angela Merkel’s CDU, with the Bild daily even predicting victory for the far-right party on 26 percent, ahead of the CDU on 25 percent.

In Saxony-Anhalt’s last election in 2016, the CDU was the biggest party, scoring 30 percent and forming a coalition with the Social Democrats (SPD) and Greens.

But the CDU has taken a hammering in the opinion polls in recent months, with voters unhappy with the government’s pandemic management and a corruption scandal involving shady coronavirus mask contracts.

Social deprivation

A victory for the AfD would spell a huge upset for the conservatives just four months ahead of a general election in Germany — the first in 16 years not to feature Merkel.

They started out campaigning against the euro currency in 2013. Then in 2015 they capitalised on public anger over Merkel’s 2015 decision to let in a wave of asylum seekers from conflict-torn countries such as Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq.

The party caused a sensation in Germany’s last general election in 2017 when it secured almost 13 percent of the vote, entering parliament for the first time as the largest opposition party.

Troubled by internal divisions and accusations of ties to neo-Nazi fringe groups, the party has more recently seen its support at the national level stagnate at between 10 and 12 percent.

READ ALSO: Germany’s far-right AfD investigated over election ties

The party is also controversial in Saxony-Anhalt itself. In state capital Magdeburg, posters showing local candidate Hagen Kohl have been defaced with Hitler moustaches and the words “Never again”.

For wine merchant Jan Buhmann, 57, victory for the far-right party would be a “disaster”.

“The pandemic has shown that we need new ideas. We need young people, we need dynamism in the state. For me, the AfD does not stand for that,” he said.

Yet the AfD’s core supporters have largely remained unwavering in the former East German states.

For pensioner Hans-Joachim Peters, 73, the AfD is “the only party that actually tells it like it is”.

Politicians should “think less about Europe and more about Germany”, he told AFP in Magdeburg. AfD campaigners there were handing out flyers calling for “resistance” and “an end to all anti-constitutional restrictions on our liberties”.

Political scientist Hajo Funke of Berlin’s Free University puts the AfD’s core strength in eastern Germany down to “social deprivation and frustration” resulting from problems with reunification.

The party’s latest anti-corona restrictions stance has also helped it play up its anti-establishment credentials, adding some voters to its core base, he said.

Other east German states in which the AfD has a stronghold, such as Saxony and Thuringia, continue to have the highest 7-day incidences per 100,000 residents in the country. Saxony-Anhalt’s 7-day incidence, however, currently is below the national average (31.3) as of Wednesday June 3rd.

READ ALSO: Why are coronavirus figures so high in German regions with far-right leanings?

Hijab snub

Funke predicted the AfD would attract broadly the same voters in
Saxony-Anhalt as it did in 2016, when it won 24 percent of the vote.

“Some have dropped off because the party is too radical, some radicals who didn’t vote are now voting and some of those who are anti-corona are also voting for the AfD,” he said.

The Sachsen-Anhalt-Monitor 2020 report, commissioned by the local government, found that the main concern for voters in the region was the economic fallout from the pandemic. But the AfD’s core selling point — immigration and refugees — was number two on their list.

According to AfD candidate Kirchner, many people in Saxony-Anhalt still view the influx of refugees to Germany “very critically”.

“And I think they are right,” he said at a campaign stand in Magdeburg decked in the AfD’s signature blue. “Who is going to rebuild Syria? Who is going to do that if everyone comes here?”

When a young woman wearing a hijab walked past the stand, no one attempted to hand her a flyer.

By Femke Colborne

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