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POLITICS

How a new anti-migrant party could cement Germany’s lurch to the right

Headed up by a man accused of right-wing extremism, the newly formed 'WerteUnion' is likely to tip the scale of German politics further to the right.

A protestor at an anti-AfD demo in Germany
A protestor holds up a sign at an anti-far right demo in Kürten, North-Rhine Westphalia. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Sascha Thelen

What’s going on?

It was an unconventional start to the founding of a new party: huddled on a boat on the Rhine somewhere near Bonn, the founding members of the new WerteUnion (Union of Values) party signed the official founding act and unanimously elected their new leader: former CDU politican Hans-Georg Maaßen.

The whole meeting was done in private – almost in secret – with no members of the public in attendance. Even the planned location of the boat was changed at the last moment, presumably to avoid protestors. Almost everything about the meeting felt designed to slip under the radar. But it didn’t. 

That may be because, far from being an unknown quantity, the WerteUnion is already well-known in German political circles – as is its controversial leader.

Though the party may be small, it’s impact on the German political landscape could be tumultuous. 

What is the WerteUnion? 

The new party grew out of a registered association by the same name, which was roughly – though not officially – affiliated with the conservative CDU and CSU. 

Founded in 2017 while Angela Merkel was still chancellor, the previous incarnation of the WerteUnion acted both as a pressure group that aimed to push the CDU further the right and also as a home for disgruntled CDU members who longed to see more conservative stances on everything from climate politics to the handling of refugees. 

In its party form, it may well play a similar role: Maaßen is pitching ‘taster’ memberships to CDU and CSU members that allow them to get involved with the WerteUnion for a year without forfeiting their CDU or CSU membership. 

But wait, another new party?

That’s right. Following the founding of former Left Party politician Sahra Wagenknecht’s new party, the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW), yet another new party has entered the political fray this year.

For anyone unfamiliar with Wagenknecht and her party, it can best be described as a socially conservative and economically left-wing party, combining progressive taxation policies with a heavily migrant-sceptic and “anti-woke” stance. 

Sahra Wagenknecht

Sahra Wagenknecht introduces her new party, the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance, at a press conference in Passau, Bavaria. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Lukas Barth

Wagenknecht herself is an outspoken Left Party veteran who in the past few years has increasingly become a thorn in the side of her former party, heavily criticising their policies on migration and climate protection, among other things. Most controversially, she has been accused of maintaining close links to Russia and of parroting Kremlin lines on issues like Russian gas deliveries and the war in Ukraine. 

READ ALSO: Why is a German populist left leader launching a new political party?

The splintering off of Wagenknecht and nine other defectors ultimately led to the collapse of the Left Party as a parliamentary party, meaning the 28 remaining MPs can now only describe themselves as a “group”. It’s possible that Maaßen intends to splinter the CDU in a similar way, though the CDU and CSU are significantly stronger as a parliamentary force, with hundreds of MPs currently in the Bundestag.

The similarities between Wagenknecht and Maaßen’s parties go further than that, though: both are heavily critical of the current government’s asylum and migration policies, have slammed the so-called “woke agenda” on issues like gender and racial equality and say climate protection measures are too expensive. However, unlike the Wagenknecht Alliance, the WerteUnion is in favour of hard-right economic policies that could best be described as libertarian.  

So what does the WerteUnion actually stand for?

Placed on the political spectrum, the WerteUnion can be placed somewhere between the conservative CDU/CSU alliance and the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD). 

In fact, leader Maaßen has said he wants to fill a “gap” in German politics between the CDU, which is too moderate, and the AfD, which is too extreme. 

“We stand for classic civic values that have made Germany strong and that ultimately shaped the CDU,” Maaßen said, adding that the party was in favour of freedom, the rule of law, democracy and tolerance, but also in favour of the state withdrawing from people’s lives.

This last point seems to be the most significant one: the WerteUnion is vehemently against Green policies such as the transition to eco-friendly heating and electronic vehicles. They are vociferous opponents of inclusionary policies such a gender-neutral language and say that children should be “protected from early sexulisation and gender ideology” in schools and Kitas. 

The WerteUnion's Godesia boat sails on the Rhine,

The WerteUnion’s Godesia boat sails on the Rhine, accompanied by the police. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Thomas Banneyer

On immigration, they are in favour of a tightening of citizenship rules to prevent foreigners becoming German “too quickly”. According to the party programme, the skilled worker shortage should be combatted with domestic policies rather than immigration, though some skilled immigration is permitted “to a limited extent”.

Ultimately, however, they are in favour of more heavily policed borders and tight controls on immigration. 

In the opening section of its programme, the party states that it rejects “totalitarian world views” and “radicalism”. However, unlike almost all other parties in German politics, the WerteUnion is open to working with the far-right AfD and members were said to be present last November at a meeting of extremists that was investigated by Correctiv this year.

READ ALSO: Germany’s far-right AfD denies plan to expel ‘non-assimilated foreigners’

Questions may also be asked about whether the party’s leader, Hans-Georg Maaßen, also holds more extreme views than the party’s programme suggests. 

Why is Hans-Georg Maaßen such a controversial figure?

Formerly a CDU member, Maaßen left the party at the end of January this year after numerous attempts to eject him had failed.

Since July 2021, the conservative leadership had been trying to distance themselves from the WerteUnion founder over his perceived extremist views. This culminated in a motion from the CDU executive committee unanimously calling on Maaßen to exit the party, followed by official expulsion proceedings when the right-wing politician let the deadline for resigning pass.

In their motion, the executive committee noted that Maaßen regularly used “language from the milieu of anti-Semites and conspiracy theorists through to ethno-nationalist expressions” and had continuously violated the principles of the party.

Hans-George Maaßen

Hans-George Maaßen introduces the party programme for the WerteUnion. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Thomas Banneyer

With a background in law, the leader of the WerteUnion is best known for his stint as President of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BVS). According to reports in Spiegel, Maaßen allegedly slammed the breaks on an investigation into the AfD during his tenure there, and is also accused of advising the far-right party directly on how not to attract the authorities’ attention.

He has since revealed that his previous employer, the BVS, has flagged him as a potential right-wing extremist. 

In tweets, he has claimed that the media is involved in an “eliminatory campaign of racism against whites”. These comments prompted the director of the Buchenwald Concentration Camp Memorial, Jens-Christian Wagner, to accuse Maaßen of a “classic right-wing extremist reversal of guilt” and trivialising the Holocaust.

But can the WerteUnion actually win anything? 

That remains to be seen. So far, the party has said it will not stand in the EU elections in June but will stand in the three state elections this year in Thuringia, Saxony and Brandenburg.

These three eastern German states are all AfD strongholds where it may well be possible for Maaßen’s party to split the right-wing vote and potentially act as a challenger to Wagenknecht’s BSW. 

READ ALSO: Analysis – Are far-right sentiments growing in eastern Germany?

With disillusionment over the current centre-left coalition of the Social Democrats (SPD), Greens and Free Democrats (FDP) on the rise, right-wing parties have been climbing the polls lately, with the latest figures putting the CDU and CSU on 34 percent while the AfD hovers around the 20 percent mark. 

Though there are still no polling figures to forecast how many votes the WerteUnion could win in the state elections, however, political scientists say the party could struggle to carve out its own niche among its competitors. 

According to Benjamen Höhne, a researcher at Trier University, there is currently no need for Maaßen’s new party in the political spectrum. “The CDU/CSU, the Free Voters and the AfD are already there,” he told watson.de. 

That said, the launch of the party is well-timed for the WerteUnion to act as a potential coalition party to the AfD in lieu of other political support – and could make it harder for other parties to form governing coalitions if the vote is splintered. 

Most significantly, though, the entrance of the new party on Germany’s political scene represents a further lurch to a right at a time when anti-migrant politics appear to be gaining ground. 

READ ALSO: Could the far-right AfD ever take power in Germany?

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CLIMATE CRISIS

INTERVIEW: ‘Failed climate policies are fuelling far-right politics in Germany’

Alt-right political parties tend to oppose environmental protections, but is there a connection between their political success and climate policy failures? Author and thought-leader Sandrine Dixson-Declève explains why Germany may be having a ‘1930s moment’, and why the next elections are gravely important.

INTERVIEW: 'Failed climate policies are fuelling far-right politics in Germany'

It’s understood that far-right and populist political parties tend to either downplay the realities of climate change, or block progressive policies that would try to mitigate its impacts. But the link between failed climate policies and the recent rise of populist parties is rarely addressed.

Speaking as a panellist at the Green Tech Festival in Berlin on Thursday, climate policy thought-leader Sandrine Dixson-Declève voiced concern that poor climate and economic policies are fuelling the popularity of far-right politics in Germany and across Europe. 

Co-president of the Club of Rome, Dixson-Declève works to promote policies that she believes would help secure a sustainable future for humanity. Such policies are laid out in the book Earth for All: A Survival Guide for Humanity, that she co-authored.

The Local spoke with Sandrine Dixson-Declève about Germany’s climate policy failures, and why she thinks the upcoming European elections are of the utmost importance.

The shortcomings of Germany’s ‘Energiewende’ had serious political consequences

Having been a contributor and advisor to Germany’s Energiewende (energy transition), Dixson-Declève has followed German politics and environmental policy for years.

“I believe that one of the biggest mistakes was that we politicised energy policy in Germany from the outset,” she told The Local, adding, “Merkel actually accepted the big green push to pull out of nuclear, which actually created a big mess.”

Germany’s anti-nuclear energy movement dates back to the 19070s, and led to the foundation of the Green party. Under Merkel’s leadership, a plan was adopted to phase out nuclear power with the last three nuclear power plants taken offline in 2023.

But losing nuclear power as an energy source came with some serious consequences.

“The first big mess was the continued burning of coal,” Dixson-Declève explained. “The second big mess was Nord Stream 2, and that led to the invasion of Ukraine…because it gave Putin power.”

Still, she wouldn’t suggest that Germany try to revive its nuclear power now: “I believe that Germany needs to really think through the next steps.”

READ ALSO: ‘Nuclear power is a dead horse in Germany’: Scholz rejects reopening plants 

Protestors run past riot police

A wave of protestors break through police lines at Lützerath. Open pit coal mining in west Germany destroyed most of the Hambach Forest, as well as dozens of villages such as Lützerath. At both sites massive citizen protests were met with brutal police evictions. Photo by Paul Krantz.

Energy efficiency is the missing piece to Germany’s climate plans

How to build up renewable energy infrastructure is at the centre of most discourse around curbing fossil fuel use, but using the energy we have more efficiently arguably deserves more immediate attention.

“The other missing link, which no one talks about, is energy efficiency,” Dixson-Declève said. “Actually the best energy is the energy you don’t use. That is unsexy, and that is why energy efficiency hasn’t been taken up the way it should have been since 2010.”

While working on climate and energy plans in 2010, she says she came across a study that said Europe could wean itself off of Russian gas just by putting energy efficiency requirements in place for buildings.

In 2022 the European Commission finally began to take this idea seriously when Germany and Europe suddenly needed to replace Russian gas imports, following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Another massive energy saver that has been politicised for all the wrong reasons in Germany is heat pumps.

According to Eurostat data, about half of all energy consumed in the EU is used for heating and cooling, and most of that energy comes from fossil fuels. Heat pumps are significantly more efficient than boilers and allow for greater use of renewable energy sources.

But when Economy Minister Robert Habeck led an effort to promote heat pumps by banning new fossil-powered heating systems, conservative and far-right parties jumped on the issue as if it were an attack on personal freedoms. 

“As environmentalists, we need to get better at translating the environmental narrative into something that resonates with people,” said Dixson-Declève. 

READ ALSO: Reader question – How do I install a heat pump in my German property?

A unified coalition government that is serious about climate protections might have better communicated to people that heat pumps would ultimately save them money: “They should have been enabled in a way that truly assisted people in getting the heat that they needed in an affordable way at the right time.”

‘I am very scared we are in a 1930s moment’

Whereas the coalition government has largely failed to communicate to voters how environmental policies will improve their lives and save them money, conservative and far-right parties have done extremely well at hijacking the narrative. 

The European People’s Party (EPP – the EU’s largest conservative party), for example, is particularly adept at using citizens’ economic concerns to block environmental policies.

Having analysed the EPP’s manifestos, Dixson-Declève notes that they acknowledge the need to mitigate climate change, but say that protections cannot cost. 

“I think the EPP has done a very good job both of putting in fear of the greens, [as if] they’re only going to think about green climate policies and not about social policies [whereas] we’re here to think about you.”

Sandrine Dixson-Declève with Earth for All

Sandrine Dixson-Declève holds up a copy of the book ‘Earth for All’ alongside two of the book’s co-authors. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Wolfgang Kumm

Germany’s far-right parties tend to use similar messaging to try and convince voters that they will better improve the lives of citizens than the current coalition parties have. 

READ ALSO: Why are the far-right AfD doing so well in German polls?

Nearly 100 years ago, the National Socialist (Nazi) party succeeded in drumming up major support along similar lines.

Speaking as a panellist at Berlin’s Green Tech Festival, when asked how she thought European politicians were doing on climate issues, Dixson-Declève described them as deer in the headlights, adding, “I am very scared we are in a 1930s moment”.

“I think that in the 1930s we didn’t see Hitler coming, we didn’t read the tea leaves,” she told The Local, adding that in the present moment, “people are suffering. When people suffer, they look to anything, any message that’s going to make them feel like that next leader is going to help them.” 

She also suggests that we can’t count on the youth vote to save us, citing Argentina and Portugal as two places where young voters have actually pushed politics to the right recently.

READ ALSO: A fight for the youth vote: Are German politicians social media savvy enough?

“This is a tipping moment politically, and if we’re not careful, it could explode in our faces,” said Dixson-Declève. “We need to get as many people to vote this year [as possible]. It’s an absolutely fundamental vote, alongside the United States, in order to make sure that we don’t slide to the right across Europe.”

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