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Hórreos: What are those small stone houses on stilts in Spain’s Galicia?

If you’ve ever been to Galicia in north-western Spain, the chances are you will have seen these odd stone or wooden structures on stilts in people’s gardens and wondered what they were for.

Published: 10 January 2024 09:42 CET
horreo stone houses galicia
You can expect to see lots of hórreos in Galicia and there are also some in other rural parts of northern Spain. Photo: Juan García/Pixababy

Anyone who has walked the Camino de Santiago in Galicia will of course have seen these odd-looking buildings known as hórreos. There are so many in fact that they’ve become somewhat of a cultural symbol of the region.

Hórreos are typically built from stone, but some can be wooden too. They’re small, narrow buildings, but range in size. Some of them are only around one metre long, while others could are big enough for a few people to lie down in them.

READ ALSO: Five reasons why Galicia is Spain’s version of Ireland

They’re easy to spot because they’re raised up on stone stilts or platforms and typically have a set of steps going up to reach them. The sides traditionally have narrow wooden slats so that if you got up close you could probably see inside and the roofs are properly tiled, often with a stone cross stuck on the top.

Many question whether they’re small homes for animals such as chicken coops, places for religious offerings or even similar to garden sheds.

These strange buildings actually date back to the 15th century and are in fact granaries, originally built to store feed for animals or farm produce and keep it dry and off the ground to protect it from potential wild animals.

Some even have small indentations on the base that were filled with water so that not even the ants could climb up and get into the food either. 

READ ALSO: The pros and cons of living in Spain’s Galicia

The exact number of hórreos in Galicia isn’t known, but at the beginning of the 20th century it was estimated that there were about 30,000, one for every square kilometre of the region.

In modern times, people don’t have a specific use for them and unfortunately, many hórreos have fallen into a state of disrepair.

Hórreos can be renovated but you should first check the local rules pertaining to their renovation and future use. Photo: locuig/Pixabay
 

This is also because they’re protected, so if you want to renovate one, you have to apply for a special licence and pay several associated fees.

Unfortunately, even if you spend money on renovating an hórreo, Galician law doesn’t technically allow for it to be used as a living abode, although that hasn’t stopped many from renting them out as rooms on Airbnb.

In neighbouring Asturias, where you can also find hórreos, authorities have a taken a more lenient approach to them being renovated for different economic or practical purposes suited to modern habits and trends, especially as a means of ensuring their survival.

Hórreo Facts

– One of the largest horreos in Galicia is Horreo de Carnota, which has now even become a tourist attraction. It was built in 1768 and is 34.76 metres long, standing on 22 pairs of feet. Historians believe it was built as part of a rivalry between two neighbouring towns.

– Lira, the rival to Carnota is located nearby and stands at just over 36.5 metres long and 1.60 metres wide. It also stands on 22 pairs of stone feet.

Hórreos come in different shapes, sizes and materials. Photo: Vicente Aragones/Pixabay
 

– The longest hórreo is hórreo de Araño in Rianxo at 37.05 metres long. It was built in the 17th century and has been Declared an Asset of Cultural Interest.

– Combarro is the town with the most hórreos in Galicia, home to more than 60 of them. 30 of them are also lined up facing the sea, which makes for a spectacular photo.

– Hórreos are not only found in Galicia, you can also find many in the neighbouring region of Asturias, although they’re not so well known there. Other places you can find a few of them include Aezkoa in Navarra, Agirre and Ertzilla in the Basque Country, Liébana in Cantabria, Bierzo and Los Beyos in Castilla y León and Bueño, in Asturias.

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POLITICS

Which Catalans want independence from Spain?

Catalan separatist politicians have taken on kingmaker roles in Spanish politics in recent months, but Catalans themselves increasingly see independence as unlikely. Which Catalans still support independence and which don't?

Published: 10 May 2024 11:39 CEST
Which Catalans want independence from Spain?

Catalan separatists are playing an increasingly crucial role in politics at the national level in Spain, but the vast majority of Catalans themselves see the prospect of independence as increasingly unlikely.

This is according to annual survey data released by the Institute of Political and Social Sciences (ICPS) in Catalonia, which revealed that just 5 percent of Catalans polled believe that an independent Catalonia will ever become a reality. In 2015 that figure was 17 percent.

The survey also confirmed that support for independence (39.5 percent) remains well below support for staying within Spain (52.5 percent). Catalans will go to the polls in regional elections on May 12th in a vote many view as crucial for the stability of the national government.

Catalan pro-independence parties, namely Junts per Cataluyna and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, have essentially become kingmakers in Spanish politics following July 2023’s general election result and subsequent amnesty deal offered by Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez to cling onto power.

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Often when the Catalan question is discussed, particularly in the context of national politics, broad strokes statements are made about the people and politics in the region. Catalans are all separatists, some say. Some even say they are terrorists, or that only far-left radicals want independence.

But who really still wants independence? What are the demographics behind Catalan separatism, and what does it tell us about the future of the movement?

Age breakdown

A study by the Generalitat revealed that younger voters, between 16- 42, generally show less enthusiasm for independence than older voters. Young people are more likely to show preference for the current model (of Catalonia as a region within Spain) rather than full independence, according to a survey by the Catalan Centre for Opinion Studies (CEO) cited by El País.

CEO polling groups respondents by age, the ‘silent generation’ (over 78); ‘baby boomers’ (between 59 and 77); ‘generation X’ (between 43 and 58); ‘millennials’ (between 27 and 42) and ‘generation Z’ (between 16 and 26).

The results were stark. When asked “what should be the relationship between Catalonia and Spain” the preference for independence only exceeded 30 percent among baby boomers (34 percent) and generation X (32 percent). But even within these age groups, the most pro-independence, a fully-independent Catalonia barely convinced more than a quarter to a third of respondents.

Among younger people, however, regional autonomy was the preferred option for millennials (28 percent) and generation Z (29 percent), ahead of an independent Catalonia, which appealed to 26 percent and 23 percent respectively. Interestingly, in this sense young people are closer to their grandparents’ views than to their parents’ generation on the question of independence. Among the silent generation, regional autonomy within Spain had 33 percent support, and 27 percent supported an independent Catalonia.

A demonstrator waves a half-Spanish and half-Senyera flag during a protest by far-right party Vox against the government in Barcelona in 2020. (Photo by Pau Barrena / AFP)

Young men

Furthermore, delving further into the graphics, it becomes clear that young men are some of the least likely people to support Catalan independence. A survey published by Òmnium points to “a marked conservative movement and a move away from the fundamental values of sovereignty among the country’s youth” more generally but specifically among young men.

Young men, the study demonstrates, are the most ‘espanyolistas’ in the region, in other words, the least favourable towards Catalan independence and most likely to be pro-centralisation and Spanish. They are also the ones who view using the Catalan language as a lesser priority. However, this isn’t an isolated policy issue, and young men in the region are also more likely to be sceptical about climate change, the least in favour of paying taxes, the least feminist, and those who perceive the threat of the extreme right as the least relevant.

The study termed this the ‘derechización‘ (what we might call the ‘right-wingisation’ in English) of young men, a trend across the rest of the country and the world in recent years.

Class and income

Income and social class also play a role in pro-separatist politics, and the data suggests that separatism is more popular among people self-describing as ‘comfortably off’.

According to data from the CEO cited by El País in 2017, the real flashpoint of separatist politics in Catalonia, around a third (32 percent) of Catalans earning less than €900 were in favour of independence. However, over half (53 percent) of respondents earning €1,800 or more per month were pro-independence, while 54 percent of the wealthy (monthly income of €4,000 or more per month) wanted to see an independent Catalonia.

This also ties into educational level and class. Data compiled by the London School of Economics shows that independence is most popular among the highly educated (secondary and university levels), something that makes higher incomes levels more attainable and upward social mobility more likely.

Catalan origins

Interestingly, it seems that Catalans born outside Catalonia are more likely to be on lower incomes and therefore less likely to hold pro-separatist views. There also seems to be evidence that having a multi-generational Catalan background makes you more likely to be pro-independence.

As El País states, “even more glaring is the relationship between background and pro-independence sentiment. Among third generation Catalans – those with both parents and all four grandparents born in Catalonia – support for independence rises to 75 percent.”

“But this figure drops drastically when it comes to families with more varied backgrounds. Support for independence stands at 49 percent among those with one parent from outside the region and drops to 29 percent among children of immigrants.”

Geography

Geography also plays a role. As these municipality map breakdowns by RTVE show, if the population living in each area is taken into account, as in the second map, you can see that in the largest municipalities, such as Barcelona and its surrounding metropolitan area, the non-nationalist bloc holds the greatest electoral weight.

The maps are stark, but population even things even out: in municipalities where there was a nationalist or pro-independence majority in 2021, found largely in the country and smaller towns, slightly over 3 million Catalans live; but in the big cities, where people are more likely to be sceptical, that figure is almost 5 million.

As the Royal Elcano Institute put it in its analysis of the post-2017 political chaos, Catalan independence bucks the traditional rural/urban split: “While Scottish independence is viewed more favourably in big cities, in Catalonia the territorial divide is the reverse: rural areas register a majority in favour of independence, with urban areas having a majority against.”

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