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Why is Murcia the butt of all the jokes in Spain?

People from Spain's south eastern region of Murcia, where tennis superstar Carlos Alcaraz hails from, often take a lot of flack from other Spaniards, to the point where the long-running joke is that 'Murcia doesn't exist'.

why is murcia butt of jokes in spain
Few Spaniards poked fun at Murcia when the region's prodigal son Carlos Alcaraz brought the Wimbledon trophy back to Spain. But why do Spaniards give Murcianos such a hard time? (Photo by Adrian DENNIS / AFP)

There was a headline in the Spanish satirical newspaper El Mundo Today some time ago that said: “The UN declares Murcia a catastrophe zone without anything in particular having happened.”

Another read “The Government gives permission to Saudi Arabia to test weapons it has sold in Murcia.”

And how about when Spanish tennis superstar Carlos Alcaraz (a proud Murciano) won Wimbledon last summer? “Government considers recognising Murcia as part of Spain after Alcaraz’s victory.”

READ ALSO: Nine things you need to know before moving to Spain’s Murcia region

If you’ve lived in Spain for a while, wherever it is, this probably won’t come as a surprise.

You may come across people making jokes about Murcia, the small south-eastern region sandwiched between its bigger neighbours the Valencian Community and Andalusia.

According to a survey reported by La Sexta, Murcia came dead last in a ranking of Spanish regions, crowning it the “least liked region in Spain.”

‘Murcia doesn’t exist’

As such, Murcia and its people (Murcianos) are often the butt of Spanish jokes. ‘Murcia no existe‘ (Murcia doesn’t exist) or Murcia es Africa (Murcia is Africa) are two of the most common jibes to hear directed at Murcianos, as well as gags about lemons and olive oil and the endless swathes of farmland.

Many Spaniards will even mock the names of towns and villages in Murcia. Some standout examples include Alcantarilla (literally drain or gutter), Escombreras (dump or tip) or Los Infiernos (The Underworlds or hells).

Fortunately, due to their kind-hearted nature, many Murcianos couldn’t care less and take it in their stride, laughing off these snobby ‘city-types’ who look down on them.

But why is it exactly that Murcia is so often the butt of all the jokes in Spain?

Accent

For many Murcianos who move to different parts of Spain (or come across other Spaniards abroad) one of the first things people will comment on is their accent. Often it becomes a bit of a running joke to playfully mock it.

That said, in Murcia the accent can be as fierce as the heat down there and, for non-naive speakers, a little tricky to understand at times. Famous (or infamous) among other Spaniards for their closed accent, just like in Andalucía Murcianos often drop the end of words all together – particularly the D’s and S’s.

So los perros (the dogs) often sounds a bit more like lo perro, for example.

READ ALSO: A handy guide to understanding Spain’s regional accents

This can be confusing when you first arrive, but after a few months you’ll be calling people ‘acho’ – a diminutive form of the Spanish ‘muchacho‘ – that is very common in Murcia and people love to imitate and make jokes about across the country.

In fact, if someone from Madrid or Galicia or pretty much anywhere else in Spain meets a Murciano, one of the first things they might say is acho!

Other common jokes about the Murcian accent and dialect include pijo, saying hostia (something like bloody hell or holy shit) without pronouncing the ‘S’ sound, or using the diminutive word ending –ico for someone or something.

READ ALSO: Staycation in Spain: Five great reasons to visit Murcia

Climate

Another of the main reasons Murcia is the butt of many jokes in Spain is because of the climate. This ties into the Murcia es Africa stuff, because if you’ve spent time in the southern region during the summer, you’ll know how scorching hot it can get.

Like the rest of southern Spain Murcia is sizzling hot, but in the height of summer it stands apart. Temperatures can top 40C in the summer months, and it very rarely rains, leading many Spaniards to joke about it being 45C in the shade in Murcia.

While probably not true, during the summer months many locals don’t leave the house during the afternoon, preferring to get everything done in the morning and at night to avoid the dry heat. A cold winter in Murcia is considered 10C, with temperatures occasionally reaching the high tens or early twenties.

Classism

Sometimes this playful banter can veer into classism. Each region of Spain has its own stereotypes, whether it be Catalans being stingy or strong headed, Asturians heavy drinkers, or Andalusians party loving.

Often when it comes to Murcia, however, these stereotypes are steeped in a little classism. Jokes about Murcia often portray the people as what we might call in English ‘rednecks’, or poorly educated and poorly spoken. If you watch Spanish TV or listen to the radio, still, to this day, Murcian accents (as well as Andalusian) are underrepresented, and some of this undoubtedly comes from snobbery or classism.

READ ALSO: The good, the bad and the ugly: What are the regional stereotypes across Spain?

Though, to be fair, parts of rural Murcia feel a little outdated at times. For all the old world charm and hospitality, some may find life in small town Murcia somewhat old-fashioned or conservative. Whether it be the lack of public transport infrastructure, international chains and brands we’ve become accustomed to, or perhaps even a political opinion not heard in bigger cities for a couple of decades, in some small Murcian towns life seems to be a few decades behind – for better or worse.

For a better idea of the sorts of jokes Murcianos face around Spain, the comedy skit ‘El Murciano’ below encapsulates the classic ones pretty well.

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POLITICS

Which Catalans want independence from Spain?

Catalan separatist politicians have taken on kingmaker roles in Spanish politics in recent months, but Catalans themselves increasingly see independence as unlikely. Which Catalans still support independence and which don't?

Which Catalans want independence from Spain?

Catalan separatists are playing an increasingly crucial role in politics at the national level in Spain, but the vast majority of Catalans themselves see the prospect of independence as increasingly unlikely.

This is according to annual survey data released by the Institute of Political and Social Sciences (ICPS) in Catalonia, which revealed that just 5 percent of Catalans polled believe that an independent Catalonia will ever become a reality. In 2015 that figure was 17 percent.

The survey also confirmed that support for independence (39.5 percent) remains well below support for staying within Spain (52.5 percent). Catalans will go to the polls in regional elections on May 12th in a vote many view as crucial for the stability of the national government.

Catalan pro-independence parties, namely Junts per Cataluyna and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, have essentially become kingmakers in Spanish politics following July 2023’s general election result and subsequent amnesty deal offered by Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez to cling onto power.

READ ALSO:

Often when the Catalan question is discussed, particularly in the context of national politics, broad strokes statements are made about the people and politics in the region. Catalans are all separatists, some say. Some even say they are terrorists, or that only far-left radicals want independence.

But who really still wants independence? What are the demographics behind Catalan separatism, and what does it tell us about the future of the movement?

Age breakdown

A study by the Generalitat revealed that younger voters, between 16- 42, generally show less enthusiasm for independence than older voters. Young people are more likely to show preference for the current model (of Catalonia as a region within Spain) rather than full independence, according to a survey by the Catalan Centre for Opinion Studies (CEO) cited by El País.

CEO polling groups respondents by age, the ‘silent generation’ (over 78); ‘baby boomers’ (between 59 and 77); ‘generation X’ (between 43 and 58); ‘millennials’ (between 27 and 42) and ‘generation Z’ (between 16 and 26).

The results were stark. When asked “what should be the relationship between Catalonia and Spain” the preference for independence only exceeded 30 percent among baby boomers (34 percent) and generation X (32 percent). But even within these age groups, the most pro-independence, a fully-independent Catalonia barely convinced more than a quarter to a third of respondents.

Among younger people, however, regional autonomy was the preferred option for millennials (28 percent) and generation Z (29 percent), ahead of an independent Catalonia, which appealed to 26 percent and 23 percent respectively. Interestingly, in this sense young people are closer to their grandparents’ views than to their parents’ generation on the question of independence. Among the silent generation, regional autonomy within Spain had 33 percent support, and 27 percent supported an independent Catalonia.

A demonstrator waves a half-Spanish and half-Senyera flag during a protest by far-right party Vox against the government in Barcelona in 2020. (Photo by Pau Barrena / AFP)

Young men

Furthermore, delving further into the graphics, it becomes clear that young men are some of the least likely people to support Catalan independence. A survey published by Òmnium points to “a marked conservative movement and a move away from the fundamental values of sovereignty among the country’s youth” more generally but specifically among young men.

Young men, the study demonstrates, are the most ‘espanyolistas’ in the region, in other words, the least favourable towards Catalan independence and most likely to be pro-centralisation and Spanish. They are also the ones who view using the Catalan language as a lesser priority. However, this isn’t an isolated policy issue, and young men in the region are also more likely to be sceptical about climate change, the least in favour of paying taxes, the least feminist, and those who perceive the threat of the extreme right as the least relevant.

The study termed this the ‘derechización‘ (what we might call the ‘right-wingisation’ in English) of young men, a trend across the rest of the country and the world in recent years.

Class and income

Income and social class also play a role in pro-separatist politics, and the data suggests that separatism is more popular among people self-describing as ‘comfortably off’.

According to data from the CEO cited by El País in 2017, the real flashpoint of separatist politics in Catalonia, around a third (32 percent) of Catalans earning less than €900 were in favour of independence. However, over half (53 percent) of respondents earning €1,800 or more per month were pro-independence, while 54 percent of the wealthy (monthly income of €4,000 or more per month) wanted to see an independent Catalonia.

This also ties into educational level and class. Data compiled by the London School of Economics shows that independence is most popular among the highly educated (secondary and university levels), something that makes higher incomes levels more attainable and upward social mobility more likely.

Catalan origins

Interestingly, it seems that Catalans born outside Catalonia are more likely to be on lower incomes and therefore less likely to hold pro-separatist views. There also seems to be evidence that having a multi-generational Catalan background makes you more likely to be pro-independence.

As El País states, “even more glaring is the relationship between background and pro-independence sentiment. Among third generation Catalans – those with both parents and all four grandparents born in Catalonia – support for independence rises to 75 percent.”

“But this figure drops drastically when it comes to families with more varied backgrounds. Support for independence stands at 49 percent among those with one parent from outside the region and drops to 29 percent among children of immigrants.”

Geography

Geography also plays a role. As these municipality map breakdowns by RTVE show, if the population living in each area is taken into account, as in the second map, you can see that in the largest municipalities, such as Barcelona and its surrounding metropolitan area, the non-nationalist bloc holds the greatest electoral weight.

The maps are stark, but population even things even out: in municipalities where there was a nationalist or pro-independence majority in 2021, found largely in the country and smaller towns, slightly over 3 million Catalans live; but in the big cities, where people are more likely to be sceptical, that figure is almost 5 million.

As the Royal Elcano Institute put it in its analysis of the post-2017 political chaos, Catalan independence bucks the traditional rural/urban split: “While Scottish independence is viewed more favourably in big cities, in Catalonia the territorial divide is the reverse: rural areas register a majority in favour of independence, with urban areas having a majority against.”

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