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Israeli Embassy accuses Spanish government of ‘aligning with terrorism’

The Israeli Embassy in Spain has criticised what it called "absolutely immoral" statements made by "certain members" of the Spanish government in reference to the conflict in Gaza, accusations Spain's foreign ministry strongly denies.

Published: 17 October 2023 12:51 CEST
Israeli Embassy accuses Spanish government of 'aligning with terrorism'
Demonstrators wave Palestinian flags and hold signs as they attend a rally in support of the Palestinian people in Madrid on October 15, 2023. Photo: JAVIER SORIANO/AFP.

The Israeli Embassy in Spain has released a statement in which it “strongly condemns the recent statements of some members of the Spanish government” with regards to the escalating conflict in Israel and Gaza and calls on the acting Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez to “denounce and condemn unequivocally these shameful statements.”

“These statements are not only absolutely immoral, but they also endanger the safety of Jewish communities of Spain, exposing them to the risk of a greater number of incidents and anti-Semitic attacks,” the statement also says.

You can see the full statement, posted on Twitter/X below, where the Israeli Embassy in Madrid accuses certain members of the Spanish government of “aligning with this ISIS-style terrorism”.

Without naming any specific government ministers, the statement is likely partly directed towards Ione Belarra, leader of Podemos and Minister for Social Rights, as well as other figures in parties to the left of Pedro Sánchez’s Socialists (PSOE) who have governed in coalition since 2019.

Belarra attended a pro-Palestinian demonstration in Madrid on Sunday and has been outspoken on social media in the aftermath of Hamas’ attack and the resulting Israeli counter-offensive.

Her party’s stance was made even clearer when Unidas Podemos member Pablo Fernández wore a Palestinian tracksuit top at a press conference on Monday.

The Israeli statement puts Sánchez in something of an awkward political position as he tries to balance investiture negotiations with left-wing parties Sumar and Podemos and Spain’s Presidency of the Council of the European Union.

Sumar has explicitly “condemned” the attacks against the civilian population committed by Hamas in Israel, while its leader Yolanda Díaz has used the word “apartheid.”

Spain’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has responded with a forceful statement in which it “strongly rejects the falsehoods expressed in the statement of the Israeli Embassy about some of its members and does not accept unfounded insinuations about them.”

“Any political leader can freely express positions as a representative of a political party in a full democracy such as Spain,” the statement went on to say, clarifying the government position. “In any case, the position of the Spanish government as a whole with respect to the terrorist attacks perpetrated by Hamas is clear: categorical condemnation, demand for immediate and unconditional release of hostages and recognition of Israel’s right to defend itself within the limits set by international law.”

READ ALSO: How war in Israel could affect Spain

Belarra has herself responded to the statement on Twitter/X. “This government is carrying out war crimes in the Gaza Strip, massive bombings, water and electricity cuts, they are not letting in humanitarian aid. Denouncing this genocide is not ‘aligning with Hamas’, it is a democratic obligation. Silence, complicity with terror.”

Far-left fringes of the government coalition aside, the Spanish government has so far taken what could be considered a slightly outrider position on the issue, particularly when compared to its European neighbours.

Spain is one of the few major Western countries which has not played a visible public role in visits to Israel in the aftermath of the attacks, and Sánchez, along with Irish Taoiseach Leo Varadkar, have been reluctant to throw his full weight behind US and EU support of Israel, calling instead for caution in Israel’s response.

Political pundits in Spain have suggested this is a foreign policy calculation with domestic policy in mind, namely not to inflame tensions with Sumar or Podemos during a key phase of negotiations to ensure his re-election.

Sánchez has taken a more discreet position on the issue overall, something seemingly at odds with Spain’s EU council presidency.

However, he has publicly condemned Hamas and supported Israel’s right to defend itself, though he tempered that language by insisting that “it is essential” civilians on all sides be protected.

Spain’s acting Prime Minister also said at a European summit this week that recognition of a Palestinian state is the “only way to definitively resolve the conflict” and called for a two-state solution “so that they can coexist in peace and security.”

Whereas the United States, France, Germany, the United Kingdom and Italy have all reiterated their positions “as allies and as common friends of Israel”, Spain seems reluctant to explicitly do so yet. Of the major European and Western countries, Spain is one of the few governed by the left and the Israeli Embassy statement seems a clear challenge to fringes of the far-left in the Spanish government.

However, although Palestine has historically been a cornerstone foreign policy issue for many left-wing movements and parties around the world, it seems Spain’s backseat position on the issue thus far is at least partly rooted in the Spanish left’s domestic policy too, and its chances of being reelected.

Sánchez and the acting government have been criticised by the right-wing opposition leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo, who has demanded that the government clarify its position: “They contradict each other, some do not condemn the Hamas terror attacks and others try to justify them,” the Partido Popular leader said in an interview on esRadio.

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POLITICS

Which Catalans want independence from Spain?

Catalan separatist politicians have taken on kingmaker roles in Spanish politics in recent months, but Catalans themselves increasingly see independence as unlikely. Which Catalans still support independence and which don't?

Published: 10 May 2024 11:39 CEST
Which Catalans want independence from Spain?

Catalan separatists are playing an increasingly crucial role in politics at the national level in Spain, but the vast majority of Catalans themselves see the prospect of independence as increasingly unlikely.

This is according to annual survey data released by the Institute of Political and Social Sciences (ICPS) in Catalonia, which revealed that just 5 percent of Catalans polled believe that an independent Catalonia will ever become a reality. In 2015 that figure was 17 percent.

The survey also confirmed that support for independence (39.5 percent) remains well below support for staying within Spain (52.5 percent). Catalans will go to the polls in regional elections on May 12th in a vote many view as crucial for the stability of the national government.

Catalan pro-independence parties, namely Junts per Cataluyna and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, have essentially become kingmakers in Spanish politics following July 2023’s general election result and subsequent amnesty deal offered by Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez to cling onto power.

READ ALSO:

Often when the Catalan question is discussed, particularly in the context of national politics, broad strokes statements are made about the people and politics in the region. Catalans are all separatists, some say. Some even say they are terrorists, or that only far-left radicals want independence.

But who really still wants independence? What are the demographics behind Catalan separatism, and what does it tell us about the future of the movement?

Age breakdown

A study by the Generalitat revealed that younger voters, between 16- 42, generally show less enthusiasm for independence than older voters. Young people are more likely to show preference for the current model (of Catalonia as a region within Spain) rather than full independence, according to a survey by the Catalan Centre for Opinion Studies (CEO) cited by El País.

CEO polling groups respondents by age, the ‘silent generation’ (over 78); ‘baby boomers’ (between 59 and 77); ‘generation X’ (between 43 and 58); ‘millennials’ (between 27 and 42) and ‘generation Z’ (between 16 and 26).

The results were stark. When asked “what should be the relationship between Catalonia and Spain” the preference for independence only exceeded 30 percent among baby boomers (34 percent) and generation X (32 percent). But even within these age groups, the most pro-independence, a fully-independent Catalonia barely convinced more than a quarter to a third of respondents.

Among younger people, however, regional autonomy was the preferred option for millennials (28 percent) and generation Z (29 percent), ahead of an independent Catalonia, which appealed to 26 percent and 23 percent respectively. Interestingly, in this sense young people are closer to their grandparents’ views than to their parents’ generation on the question of independence. Among the silent generation, regional autonomy within Spain had 33 percent support, and 27 percent supported an independent Catalonia.

A demonstrator waves a half-Spanish and half-Senyera flag during a protest by far-right party Vox against the government in Barcelona in 2020. (Photo by Pau Barrena / AFP)

Young men

Furthermore, delving further into the graphics, it becomes clear that young men are some of the least likely people to support Catalan independence. A survey published by Òmnium points to “a marked conservative movement and a move away from the fundamental values of sovereignty among the country’s youth” more generally but specifically among young men.

Young men, the study demonstrates, are the most ‘espanyolistas’ in the region, in other words, the least favourable towards Catalan independence and most likely to be pro-centralisation and Spanish. They are also the ones who view using the Catalan language as a lesser priority. However, this isn’t an isolated policy issue, and young men in the region are also more likely to be sceptical about climate change, the least in favour of paying taxes, the least feminist, and those who perceive the threat of the extreme right as the least relevant.

The study termed this the ‘derechización‘ (what we might call the ‘right-wingisation’ in English) of young men, a trend across the rest of the country and the world in recent years.

Class and income

Income and social class also play a role in pro-separatist politics, and the data suggests that separatism is more popular among people self-describing as ‘comfortably off’.

According to data from the CEO cited by El País in 2017, the real flashpoint of separatist politics in Catalonia, around a third (32 percent) of Catalans earning less than €900 were in favour of independence. However, over half (53 percent) of respondents earning €1,800 or more per month were pro-independence, while 54 percent of the wealthy (monthly income of €4,000 or more per month) wanted to see an independent Catalonia.

This also ties into educational level and class. Data compiled by the London School of Economics shows that independence is most popular among the highly educated (secondary and university levels), something that makes higher incomes levels more attainable and upward social mobility more likely.

Catalan origins

Interestingly, it seems that Catalans born outside Catalonia are more likely to be on lower incomes and therefore less likely to hold pro-separatist views. There also seems to be evidence that having a multi-generational Catalan background makes you more likely to be pro-independence.

As El País states, “even more glaring is the relationship between background and pro-independence sentiment. Among third generation Catalans – those with both parents and all four grandparents born in Catalonia – support for independence rises to 75 percent.”

“But this figure drops drastically when it comes to families with more varied backgrounds. Support for independence stands at 49 percent among those with one parent from outside the region and drops to 29 percent among children of immigrants.”

Geography

Geography also plays a role. As these municipality map breakdowns by RTVE show, if the population living in each area is taken into account, as in the second map, you can see that in the largest municipalities, such as Barcelona and its surrounding metropolitan area, the non-nationalist bloc holds the greatest electoral weight.

The maps are stark, but population even things even out: in municipalities where there was a nationalist or pro-independence majority in 2021, found largely in the country and smaller towns, slightly over 3 million Catalans live; but in the big cities, where people are more likely to be sceptical, that figure is almost 5 million.

As the Royal Elcano Institute put it in its analysis of the post-2017 political chaos, Catalan independence bucks the traditional rural/urban split: “While Scottish independence is viewed more favourably in big cities, in Catalonia the territorial divide is the reverse: rural areas register a majority in favour of independence, with urban areas having a majority against.”

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