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VALENCIA

Why València wants to become Valéncia

A proposal to change the official name of the city of Valencia has sparked political and linguistic debate that all centres on an inverted accent. In other words, should it be Valéncia or València?

valencia name accent
Valencia, València or Valéncia? That is the question. Photo: PHILIPPE DESMAZES/AFP.

The name of Spain’s third city is, officially speaking, València, as it is written in the Valenciano language.

This was changed in 2016 after the then left-wing Compromís government voted to change the city’s official name to its Valencian version as part of broader moves to promote the Valenciano language in the region.

However, a recent proposal to change this back to a bilingual version (‘Valéncia/Valencia) has sparked fierce political and linguistic debate in the city that anchors on a single accent – or a tilde, as it is known in Spanish – and which direction it should be facing.

València vs Valéncia

On Tuesday, a plenary session of the Valencian town hall approved a procedure to change the official name from València to the bilingual version (that is, to Valéncia, with the accent facing the other way, and Valencia in Castillian Spanish) . The modification was pushed by the Valencian right, namely far-right party Vox, who govern in coalition with the centre-right Partido Popular (PP).

Opposition parties including Compromís voted against the proposal.

READ ALSO: 10 maps to help you understand Valencia

Officially changing the name of the city – that is, with a closed tilde as opposed to an open one – may seem like a rather innocuous or uncontroversial change to make. To many foreigners it may be a grammatical change so small that many might not even notice, and it is true that most in Spain (and in Valencia too) refer to the Mediterranean city, in writing at least, simply as ‘Valencia’.

But the city’s Municipal Commission for Social Welfare, Education, Culture and Sports has now agreed to promote the name change and opt for the ‘tancada’ tilde (a closed accent) that faces the other way.

According to a report released by the commission, the change in accent is to ensure “the meaning of the accent would be clear and there would be no confusion”.

This forward or closed accent – as in Valéncia – would follow the Norms of El Puig, the linguistic rules developed by the Royal Academy of Valencian Culture developed to ensure Valencian is treated as an independent language, not a variety of Catalan. 

The move has proved controversial. Local Socialist councillor Nuria Llopis noted that Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua is the official body that decides linguistic regulations in the region, and added that it issued a report in 2017 in which it pointed out that although “the pronunciation recommended by Valencians is with a closed accent, the appropriate spelling from the historical and linguistic point of view is València with an open accent”.

Compromís spokesman Pere Fuset has suggested that the bilingual form of the name should be avoided because it is not in keeping with the historical and linguistic traditions of the city, and that priority should always be given to local languages, that is to say, the Valencian name for municipalities in the Valencian-speaking areas of the region and the Castilian name for municipalities in the Castilian-speaking areas.

Figures from Compromís have accused Vox and PP of using the name change “as a weapon of self-destruction.” The Socialist spokesperson, Sandra Gómez, claimed that the move is political and speaks to the influence far-right Vox is having on PP in government: “The PP only has one option and that is to back down, stop being dragged by that Vox ultra agenda and make its own decisions,” she said.

In Valencian, the word ‘València’ is considered to have four syllables as the -ia ending does not form diphthong as it does in Spanish. That makes it an esdrújula word (the emphasis is on the antepenultimate syllable and it always has an accent on its vowel). In Castilian Spanish, ‘Valencia’ is a three-syllable llana word (emphasis on last but one syllable, in this case ‘len’) and therefore it doesn’t have an accent.

Spanish doesn’t have open and closed tildes, they always go forward.

READ ALSO: Do I need to learn Valencian if I live in Spain’s Valencia region?

For outsiders, that such political debate could spawn from disagreement about whether an accent should be open or closed or be there at all likely seems symptomatic of the highly politicised nature of Spanish society in recent months (something that is certainly true in part, particularly with the visible role of regional separatist forces in the post-election period) but in reality it also speaks to underlying historic tensions about regional cultures, identities and languages in the country.

Opponents of the move have warned against the castellanización of the Valencian language and culture, and have also pointed to Galician, Basque, and Catalan cities that are officially named in their local language.

Compromís warn that the change “goes against the Statute of Autonomy of the Valencian community and laws from the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua“. Vox deny that the new name contradicts any law on the regional statute books.

READ ALSO: The 2006 Valencia metro crash you’ve probably never heard of

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POLITICS

Who will win Catalonia’s regional elections?

Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez's Socialists hope to seize power in Spain's Catalonia region in elections Sunday, to prove its appeasement strategy has more appeal than the separatist agenda of Carles Puigdemont. The stakes are high for both.

Who will win Catalonia's regional elections?

This wealthy northeastern region of some eight million people votes Sunday to elect deputies to its 135-seat regional parliament.

Opinion polls suggest Sánchez’s Socialists are well ahead of Puigdemont’s hardline separatist JxCat and its rival ERC, led by current regional leader Pere Aragonès. 

A poll by Spain’s leading daily El País found that a coalition between separatist parties Junts, ERC and CUP would only have a 28 percent chance of reaching the majority; while a coalition by left-wing parties the PSC (PSOE’s Socialist branch), ERC and Comuns has a 78 percent possibility of forming a government. 

Another poll by Spain’s state-run CIS research body also has the PSC as the favourites to win with between 29.8 and 33.2 percent of the vote.

Other commentators haven’t ruled out the possibility of an electoral stalemate with neither block capable of obtaining a majority, which would result in repeat elections in the region of 8 million people. 

Junts’ Puigdemont was Catalan leader at the time of the failed independence bid in October 2017 which sparked Spain’s worst political crisis in decades.

Despite fleeing Spain to avoid prosecution, he has remained active in the region’s politics, leading JxCat from Belgium. He is hoping his imminent return from exile under an amnesty bill soon to become law will boost his chances in the vote.

For Sánchez, seizing back power from the separatists – who have ruled the region for a decade – would be a major victory in his efforts to turn the page on the crisis sparked by the secession bid.

READ ALSO: Why regional elections in Catalonia matter to Spain’s future

It would also allow him to press the restart button on his latest term in office, which began in November.

So far, it has been soured by bitter right-wing opposition and a corruption probe into his wife, which almost prompted his resignation late last month.

Socialist hopes high

A win by the Catalan Socialist party would allow the region “to turn over a new leaf after 10 lost years” said its leader Salvador Illa, 58, who served as Spain’s health minister during the pandemic.

Although the Socialists won the most votes during the last regional election in February 2021, Illa was unable to piece together a governing majority. The separatist parties took power by clubbing together to form a 74-seat coalition.

Since becoming Spanish prime minister in June 2018, Sánchez has sought to defuse the Catalan conflict. He has maintained dialogue with the moderate ERC and pardoned the separatists jailed over their role in the 2017 secession bid.

And late last year, he moved to push through an amnesty bill for those still wanted by the justice system in exchange for the separatists’ parliamentary support for him to secure a new term in office.

Under terms of the bill, Puigdemont – who fled Spain to avoid prosecution after the botched independence bid – will finally be able to return home after more than six years in exile.

It will be put to a final parliamentary vote later this month.

Catalan separatist leader and candidate of Junts per Catalunya Carles Puigdemont (R) raises his fist during a campaign rally in the French southeastern town of Argelès-sur-Mer. (Photo by Josep LAGO / AFP)

High stakes for Puigdemont

Puigdemont is for the moment unable to enter Spain, where he is still subject to an arrest warrant.

So he has been campaigning for Sunday’s election from a southern French seaside town near the Spanish border, and polls suggest his support has been rising steadily in recent weeks.

READ MORE: Exiled separatist leader rallies support in France ahead of Catalan election

“The independence movement has stalled a bit (since the botched 2017 separatist bid) but I think Puigdemont’s candidature has generated some enthusiasm,” Arnau Olle, a 29-year-old IT specialist from a town near Barcelona told AFP at a weekend campaign rally in Argeles-sur-Mer.

Puigdemont, who served as Catalan leader from January 2016, wants to have another shot at leading the region if the separatists retain a majority, and if JxCat comes out on top.

But that could be complicated given the divisions within the pro-independence movement and the emergence in recent months of the ultranationalist Catalan Alliance. While polls suggest it could win several seats, no other party wants to enter into a pact with it.

For Puigdemont, Sunday’s vote is also a high-stakes game, not least because he has pledged to retire from politics if he does not win.

Polls suggest the Socialists will win around 40 seats, which would mean it would need allies to reach the 68 required for a governing majority.

One possible alliance would involve the far left and Aragones’s ERC, but that would likely cause an implosion within the independence movement.

Political analyst Ernesto Pascual of the Autonomous University of Barcelona did not see such alliances hurting Sánchez’s left-wing government, whose fragile parliamentary majority depends on support from both JxCat and ERC.

Neither party has an interest in doing anything that might “force Sánchez to resign and trigger new elections”, he said.

That could change the scenario dramatically, he explained, referring to the possibility of a new government of the right which has vowed to rollback any move to amnesty the separatists.

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