SHARE
COPY LINK
For members

POLITICS

IN DEPTH: What is Spain’s ‘Trans Law’ and why is it controversial?

The Spanish government's new gender self-identification legislation is facing widespread criticism from across the country and political spectrum. What is the new 'Trans Law' and why is it proving to be so divisive in Spanish society?

IN DEPTH: What is Spain's 'Trans Law' and why is it controversial?
Spanish model Lucia Heredia was the second transgender woman in history to run for the Miss World Crown. Spain's Trans Law has divided Spain’s feminist communityespecially. (Photo by JORGE GUERRERO / AFP)

Spain has long been a world leader when it comes to recognising and protecting the rights of the LGBT community. It was the world’s fourth country to legalise gay marriage with full adoption rights back in 2005, after all.

A couple of years later, in 2007, the same Zapatero government followed it up by passing a pioneering law that allowed people to change their name and sex assigned to them at birth, without having to undergo a full sex change.

A condition of the law, however, was that those wishing to legally change their gender must support their application with a psychological evaluation that diagnosed ‘gender dysphoria’ – that is, the perceived mismatch between someone’s biological sex and their gender identity.

But now, in 2022, the Spanish government has found itself mired in controversy over its proposed updates and expansion of the law.

Protesters wearing face masks wave trans flags during a demonstration calling for more rights for transgender people at La Puerta del Sol in Madrid in 2020. (Photo by PIERRE-PHILIPPE MARCOU / AFP)

The government’s junior coalition partner, Unidas Podemos, has pushed a new ‘Trans Law’ (La Ley Trans as it’s known in Spain) that is quickly becoming a major political sticking point and causing rifts not only within Spanish feminism but the government coalition itself.

And it’s not the first legal controversy this government has caused recently with what was intended to be progressive legislation. In fact, due to the political fallout over the recent ‘Only Yes Means Yes’ sexual consent law that has accidentally reduced sentences for convicted rapists, amendments to the Trans Law have been delayed and the controversy rumbles on.

READ ALSO: Why is Spain reducing prison sentences for rapists?

What is Spain’s new Trans Law?

The law, known at the draft stage as the ‘Real and Effective Equality of Transexual People and for the Guarantee of the rights of LGBTI people’, is seen as the ideological brainchild of Irene Montero, Spain’s Equality Minister who also guided the backfiring ‘Yes means Yes’ sexual consent law through Congress.

In a sentence, the new Trans Law simplifies the gender self-identification process. As currently proposed, the law states that any person over 16 years old will be able to legally change their name and gender on official ID documents by simply completing a basic administrative procedure.

According to Montero, the law is a recognition of “trans people’s right to be who they are, without witnesses, without any obligation to undergo hormone treatment… and without a medical report that must say that they are sick.”

As of yet, the law does not specify any limits on how many times a person would be legally able to change their gender, though the Spanish press has reported in recent weeks that the senior partner in government, Pedro Sánchez’s PSOE, may try to force further amendments to the legislation.

A woman holds up a placard reading “Families proud of their trans children” during a gathering marking the “International Transgender Day of Visibility” (TDOV) in Madrid on March 31, 2021. (Photo by PIERRE-PHILIPPE MARCOU / AFP)

Crucially, the new law removes the requirements from the 2007 bill of a gender dysphoria diagnosis – essentially making gender self-identification, and changing your legal gender, far easier.

If the new law is approved in its current form, children between the age of 16 and 18 will be allowed to legally change their sex without their parent’s consent, though those between 14 and 16 years will still need parental authorisation.

Gender self-identification will also be available to children between 12 and 14 years old, and children under the age of 12 will have the right to change their name on their formal identification documents.

READ ALSO: Teens in Spain can change gender on paper without medical evaluation

This aspect of the law – that of self-identification among children – is causing particular outrage, and has been subject to criticism from both Spain’s Council of State and its Judiciary, the latter of which has demanded that gender self-identification must, from a purely legal perspective, begin from the age of 18.

The Trans law also allows the use of hormone blockers on children from the beginning of puberty, and recognises the legal status of non-binary people, that is, those who do not identify with any gender. Under the proposed Trans Law, no letter signifying gender would appear on their ID documents.

It also bans conversion therapy, the pseudoscientific practice of changing a person’s sexual or gender identity.

Why is the Trans Law so controversial?

As you may have heard or read in Spain in recent weeks, this groundbreaking law has been met with considerable controversy. Sociocultural issues like those of sexuality and gender are always politically charged, and often become battlegrounds on culture war fighting between left and right.

But this draft law hasn’t just been attacked along traditional left versus right lines. It has been attacked by the Spanish judiciary and State Council, divided Spaniards across the country, including Spain’s feminist community and the government coalition itself.

As is the case around the world, much of the debate around gender self-identification has manifested itself in debates over sport.

Protesters wear masks during a rally to mark Transgender Day of Remembrance, in Madrid, on November 20, 2022. (Photo by OSCAR DEL POZO / AFP)

Spain’s Trans Law, in its current form, would allow trans people to compete in sports events according to their self-identified gender. This means plausibly maintaining physical and biological advantages over their cisgender counterparts, something that has led many to suggest self-identification in this instance would serve to be anti-feminist and bring into question fairness and competitiveness. It has also caused controversy with regards to toilets and changing rooms, a debate seen the world over.

In fact, the Trans Law has also divided Spain’s feminist community, with many suggesting that the implementation of gender self-identification serves to unpick decades of feminist attempts to move away from a gender-based view of the world. Some Spanish feminists have argued that the Trans Law takes Spain backwards as it elevates gender above other issues and adheres to traditional stereotypes.

Similarly, the Trans Law as it is currently conceived could, critics say, cause backwards steps in terms of women’s equality and legal rights. By allowing any man to change his legal sex by simply completing an administrative procedure, critics fear this could mean “legalising” sexual discrimination and facilitate gender violence.

Critics are demanding assurances that what they view as potentially fraudulent or opportunistic instances of gender self-identification be avoided, such as if a man legally becomes a woman to, for example, avoid legal consequences under gender violence legislation.

Supporters of the law say that gender self-identification is a human right, and that the state should not require medical or psychological proof for someone to be able to change their own gender.

As one might expect, the proposed law has been attacked by the Spanish right, with tensions also flaring from within the government coalition. PSOE have requested extensions to the deadline in order to “to give legal certainty to the law,” likely because it is certain that the law in its current form would be appealed by PP and Vox in the courts.

As the government continues to deal with the political fallout of its botched ‘Only Yes Means Yes’ law, expect controversy over the Trans Law – and gender self-identification in particular – to continue in 2023.

Member comments

Log in here to leave a comment.
Become a Member to leave a comment.
For members

POLITICS

Why regional elections in Catalonia matter to Spain’s future

Early elections in Catalonia on May 12th could have political ramifications that go beyond the northern region and prolong the seemingly never-ending melodrama of Spanish politics.

Why regional elections in Catalonia matter to Spain's future

Sunday May 12th will see regional elections in Catalonia at a time when political uncertainty and unpredictability reigns not only in the northern region but across the country. As such, the results could, and likely will, have political ramifications at the national level, perhaps even on the stability of the government itself.

If you follow Spanish politics, you’ll have probably noticed that there’s been quite a lot going on recently. And even if you aren’t a semi-obsessive politico, Spanish politics has been so melodramatic, so unpredictable and (at times) so ridiculous, that in recent months it’s been hard to ignore.

In short: Socialist (PSOE) Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez made a pact with Catalan separatist parties to stay in power after last summer’s general election. Part of this was an amnesty law that granted a legal amnesty to people involved in the failed 2017 referendum independence bid, but it caused outrage across many parts of the country and led to weeks of protests, some of which were violent.

READ ALSO: Why Sánchez’s Catalan alliance is a risky bet in Spain

Though Sánchez faced a lot of public ire, Carles Puigdemont, the former President of Catalonia who is a fugitive from Spanish law, takes the brunt of the hatred, particularly from the Spanish right and far-right. Puigdemont is running again in the regional election on May 12th, and has already stated that he will leave politics if he isn’t re-elected.

More recently, Sánchez shocked the country by publishing a highly personal letter on Twitter/X, reportedly released without the advice of his advisors or cabinet colleagues, stating that he was taking five days out to consider his future following repeated attacks against his wife over alleged influence peddling. This came right before the Catalan campaign kicked off and essentially brought politics to a standstill and left the country in limbo.

Sánchez then disappeared from public life, shut himself away in his La Moncloa residence and considered his future, leaving the country in the midst of what felt like a telenovela – a soap opera. On Monday he announced he was staying on and attempted to use the decision as a pivot moment to reinvigorate his government, strengthen Spanish democracy, and to make a stand against what Sánchez describes as the far-right ‘mud machine’.

Others view things differently. While Sánchez supporters see the debacle as a brave affront to right-wing harassment and lawfare tactics used against him, critics have described it as farcical, manipulative, and opposition Partido Popular leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo said that Sánchez had “made a fool of himself” and embarrassed Spain on the global scene.

READ ALSO: What has ‘lawfare’ got to do with Spain’s amnesty and why is it controversial?

Many view the move as cynical electioneering, and Sánchez does indeed have a well deserved reputation as a somewhat machiavellian political maneuverer.

But how can Sánchez’s five day mini-sabbatical be electioneering if Spain had elections as recently as last summer? Here’s where the upcoming Catalan elections come in again.

READ ALSO: PROFILE: Spain’s Pedro Sánchez, a risk-taker with a flair for political gambles

Why regional elections in Catalonia matter to Spain’s future

In short: the results of the Catalan elections have the potential to disrupt the delicate power balance in Madrid.

Some context: in the Catalan regional government, pro-independence parties Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), Junts per Catalunya (Puigdemont’s party) and the smaller Candidatura d’Unitat Popular (CUP) have an absolute majority. This allowed separatist parties, namely ERC and Junts, greater political leverage when negotiating the amnesty with Sánchez and the PSOE last year.

Though some, particularly in Junts, would like the amnesty (which is still yet to be approved in the Senate) to go further, the national government has more or less survived since the summer based on this uneasy truce. Depending on the results in Catalonia on May 12th, we may see just how fragile it really is.

Exiled Catalan separatist leader, MEP and founder of the Junts per Catalunya (Together for Catalonia) party Carles Puigdemont gives a speech during a meeting to present his list for the upcoming regional elections in Catalonia, in Elna, southwestern France. (Photo by Matthieu RONDEL / AFP)

What do the polls say? Most seem to have the PSC (the PSOE’s sister party in Catalonia) making big gains and becoming the biggest party in the Generalitat, with leader Salvador Illa becoming President. According to RTVE’s average of polls, the PSC is on course to win 39 seats, six more than in 2021. Junts is projected to be in second place with 32 seats and would thus overtake ERC, which would get 28, a loss of 5 seats, though some polls put ERC in second and Junts third.

However, no poll gives the PSC an absolute majority of 68 seats needed to govern alone. As such, the PSC, should it win, will require the votes of far-left Comuns-Sumar, but also a coalition arrangement with a pro-independence party, most likely ERC.

However, polling from El Nacional, a Catalan newspaper, estimates that undecided voters still make up a third (33.5 percent) of the Catalan electorate, so there will likely be some variation from polling data to the results on election day.

Interestingly, Sánchez’s five day reflection period seems to have actually boosted PSOE polling numbers overall on a national level. According to a flash poll taken following the letter, the PSOE vote intention surged.

But the move has not proven popular with politicians in Catalonia, particularly among the pro-independence parties Sánchez’s government relies on in Madrid. The current President of the Generalitat and ERC candidate Pere Aragonès accused Sánchez of exploiting the “empathy” of the Spanish public “for an exclusively political purpose”, describing the “five day comedy” as “yet another electoral manoeuvre.” 

The ERC has even made a complaint to Spain’s electoral authority about Sánchez’s decision and subsequent interview on Spanish state TV, claiming it could have breached electoral rules by favouring the PSOE candidacy in the Catalan election.

Junts general secretary Jordi Turull, meanwhile, has accused Sánchez of “interfering in the Catalan election.”

Remember, these are the parties that prop up the Sánchez government at the national level.

Protesters hold up a banner reading “Pedro (Sánchez), traitor” and “Spain is not for sale” during an anti-amnesty protest in Madrid. (Photo by Pierre-Philippe MARCOU / AFP)

Potential scenarios

So, it’s safe to say that things are tense in Spanish politics. Sánchez has angered a lot of people with his period of reflection — not only his opponents but also those who prop up his government in Congress. Conversely, the move does seem to have increased PSOE support overall ahead of polling day, and the PSC seems to be on course to win in Catalonia.

With no party likely to win an absolute majority, the Catalan results on May 12th will require coalitions, which could in turn have a ripple effect on alliances in Madrid. This is principally because there is a possibility that ERC or Junts could be left out of the Generalitat, which could remove the incentive for one (or even both, in the unlikely event of a PSC absolute majority) pro-independence parties to keep Sánchez in the Moncloa, or at the very least to demand more from him.

The polls suggest the most likely outcome is the PSC winning the elections but needing the support of ERC. At the national level, this could lead to a split in the separatist movement and would leave Junts’ support in Congress up in the air. Junts could theoretically withdraw its support, topple the government, and trigger further general elections.

READ ALSO: Carles Puigdemont, Spain’s separatist kingmaker

Another scenario touted by political pundits is that pro-independence parties could again win an absolute majority between them. This would heap further political pressure on Sánchez, who, after already spending a lot of political capital on the amnesty law, would likely be pressured for further concessions from the Generalitat, namely another referendum but also changes to the amnesty law. Separatist parties would point to their victory, against polling predictions, as a mandate for pushing the pro-independence movement further.

Of course, there’s also the (admittedly unlikely) possibility that Junts per Catalunya win an absolute majority and Puigdemont becomes President of the region, something that would set the scene for his return to Spain and send shockwaves through Spanish politics.

Perhaps there is no better indication of how important this election is than the fact that Sánchez’s first public appearance since his ‘will he, won’t he’ resignation stunt was at the Fería de Barcelona.

Whatever happens in Catalonia on May 12th, two things seem certain: firstly, that people from across the country will be tuning in for the results; and secondly, as the last few years have shown, predictions are essentially useless and anything can happen in Spanish politics. 

SHOW COMMENTS