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‘Pro Schweiz’: What is Switzerland’s new anti-EU organisation and what is its aim?

Three Swiss associations opposed to the European Union merged on Saturday in Bern to form a new organisaton to defend the country’s neutrality.

Published: 17 October 2022 16:51 CEST
Updated: 17 October 2022 18:16 CEST

'Pro Schweiz': What is Switzerland's new anti-EU organisation and what is its aim?

The new group's message is clear: Stay out! Photo by Christian Lue on Unsplash

The new group, Pro Schweiz / Pro Suisse / Pro Svizzera, succeeds the Action for an Independent and Neutral Switzerland (ASIN), the employers’ association against joining the European Union, and the “No to creeping EU membership” committee.

Like its three predecessors, the new association will continue to oppose Switzerland’s ties with the EU — such as current and future bilateral treaties — as well as any active involvement in international affairs, including the country’s participation in the UN Security Council.

The new group is the brainchild of Christoph Blocher, a controversial former member of the Federal Council and a major force in the right-wing Swiss People’s Party (SVP).

In fact, Pro Schweiz, like its predecessors, is composed mostly of SVP politicians and sympathisers.

At Pro Schweiz’s launch, Blocher also spoke of his initiative on neutrality, which is currently being examined by the Federal Chancellery to see whether it meets all the conditions necessary to be brought to the national vote. The initiative seeks to prohibit Switzerland from adopting sanctions against states at war, apart from those decided by the United Nations.

The current sanctions Switzerland has in place, against Russia, were decided by the European Union.

The initiative also wants to ban Switzerland from joining a military alliances like NATO.

“Neutrality protected Switzerland for 200 years”, Blocher said at the Bern meeting. “Thanks to it, our country has been spared from wars. It is not possible for the Federal Council and a few politicians to break a principle that has been so successful”.

Pierre-André Page, another SVP force, added that “our collaborations with the European Union will evolve anyway. But you have to be able to negotiate on a case-by-case basis, and no longer find yourself faced with large packages of agreements as has been the case until now”.

Page was referring to 120 bilateral treaties and arrangements that Switzerland had negotiated with Brussels over the past 20 years. Among them are agreements on free movement of people, trade, exchange of information, agriculture, research, environment, police cooperation and asylum coordination, civil aviation, road transport, tourism, education, and pensions.

Why isn’t Switzerland in the EU anyway?

A phrase “Swiss paradox” has been used to describe the country’s steadfast refusal to join the Union. That’s because Switzerland’s economy relies heavily on exports and its main trading partner is the EU.

Another paradox is that about one-quarter of Switzerland’s population are foreigners — most of them from the EU.

Switzerland has always justified its refusal to join the EU by its neutrality, even though Finland, which is also neutral, became a member in the mid-1990s.

But there may be another reason as well.

“Switzerland is too rich and too stable to want to join the EU,” according to Fabio Wasserfallen, a professor of European politics at the University of Bern.

Depending on who you ask, there could be other grounds as well, ranging from Switzerland’s attachment to its tradition of sovereignty, to its famous system of direct democracy, both of which could, critics like the SVP claim, be lessened by adherence to the European Union.

In fact, it was through direct democracy that the Swiss chose to stay out of the alliance: a narrow majority of 50.3 percent of voters turned down the move in a 1992 referendum.

The probability doesn’t seem any more likely 20 years later.

According to Daniel Warner, former deputy to the director of The Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva, “there is only a limited desire for membership, mainly due to very strong anti-EU sentiments in the central part of Switzerland”, where, not coincidentally, most SVP supporters live.

So in terms of Switzerland joining the EU, “I don’t see it happening”, he added.

This, no doubt, should come as a relief to the members of Pro Schweiz.

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INTERVIEW: 'A lot of people think Brexit is done, but it's not for Brits in Europe'

In the early days of 2021, after the United Kingdom had left the EU and completed the final stage of Brexit, many British citizens returned to their home countries in Europe only to face a grilling at the border.

Though the Withdrawal Agreement (WA) technically guaranteed their right to live and work in the countries they’d settled in before Brexit, there was widespread confusion about these fundamental rights and many were treated like new arrivals.

Over time, the chaos at the airports subsided as border officials and airlines were given clearer guidance on the treatment of Brits. But three years later, a number of Brits who live on the continent still face problems when it comes to proving their post-Brexit rights.

This was the reason campaign group British in Europe decided to set up their new EU-funded ICE project. Starting this year in March, it aims to build valuable connections between UK citizens abroad and mentor the next generation of civil rights advocates around the continent. The acronym stands for ‘Inform, Empower, Connect’ and the project’s organisers describe it as “the first project of its kind”.

“It’s a completely innovative project – especially the fact that it’s across so many countries,” Jane Golding, chair of British in Europe and one of the project’s founders, told The Local.

Bringing together groups from 11 EU member states, the project aims to train up volunteers to understand both the Withdrawal Agreement and EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, as well as learning skills like advocacy and communication, using real-life civil rights cases that are referred to British in Europe.

“The ultimate goal is to amplify the messages across the wider group,” said Golding. “You start with the volunteers, they go back to their groups, then the people that we train, they go back and train people. Then they pass on that knowledge to the wider groups, on their Facebook accounts and through social media, and hopefully it all snowballs, not just in their countries but across the EU.”

‘Far-reaching repercussions’

So many years after Brexit, it’s hard to believe that there’s still a need for a project like ICE that empowers Brits to protect their rights. Indeed, the future of groups like British in Europe and regional groups like British in Germany and Spain-based group EuroCitizens felt uncertain just a year or two ago.

But Golding says there are still serious issues cropping up for Brits in several countries around Europe – they just have a different quality to the problems that arose at the start.

“In some ways it’s needed even more because as we predicted right at the beginning, at the first stage of implementation, you’ve got the more routine cases,” she explained.

“What we’re seeing now is not as many cases, but when the cases come up, they’re complex. They can have such far-reaching repercussions on people’s lives. And of course, memories start to fade. A lot of people think Brexit is already done, but it’s not.”

Volunteers in British in Europe ICE project

The volunteers of the British in Europe ICE project pose for a photo at the kick-off meeting in Brussels on May 21st, 2024. Photo courtesy of British In Europe

Though the rights set out in the Withdrawal Agreement apply across the continent, different countries have taken different approaches to implementing them.

That means that while in Germany, for example, UK citizens simply had to declare that they lived in the country, people in neighbouring Denmark had to apply for their rights.

This led to a notorious situation in Denmark in which as many as 2,000 Brits were threatened with deportation after not applying in time or completing the right application process. According to Golding, this had a lot to do with the fact that people who arrived in 2020 weren’t given the same information as other UK migrants who arrived before.

In Sweden, meanwhile, the situation is still difficult for many Brits who lived there prior to Brexit.

“There have been issues with an anomalously high numbers of refusals compared to other countries, and they seem to be taking a very strict approach on late applications,” Golding explained.

Portugal has been another difficult case. Although the country opted for a declaratory system where Brits could simply exchange old residence documents for a new ID card after Brexit, reports suggest that the authorities have taken years to issue these cards, leaving many of the some 34,000 Brits in the country in limbo.

“While people are still waiting to have their status confirmed and have their card in their hand, it’s difficult to access a whole range of services, like health services, or applying for jobs or dealing with the authorities, or even going to the bank,” Golding said. “All of these problems just affect people’s lives.”

A French border guard checks a passport at the border

A French border guard checks a passport at the border. Photo by DENIS CHARLET / AFP

There are also concerns about the EU’s new exit and entry system (EES), due to come into force in October, which is based on biometric documentation.

“We still do not have clear data on how many people in declaratory countries like Germany, where it wasn’t compulsory to apply for the card, don’t actually have a card,” Golding said. “How is that going to play out if it’s a document-based digitalised system?”

A lack of support

In the immediate aftermath of Brexit, funding from the UK’s Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) was still available to support NGOs in Europe helping Brits with their migration and civil rights issues. But that temporary funding soon expired, leaving groups like British in Europe largely on their own.

“The whole point is people’s lives change at very different paces,” Golding said. “And now this project is really going to start to pick up some of those cases and report on those issues, which is really crucial and exciting for the precedent that it sets, and it’s very clearly necessary still, because people don’t just sort their lives in the 18 months that the FCDO chose to supply that funding.”

This feeling of being left alone and increasingly isolated from the UK is one that many Brits in Europe have felt in the aftermath of Brexit. But the upcoming UK election on July 4th could be a game-changer.

This time, following a change in the law, Brits who have lived abroad for more than 15 years will be able to vote for the first time.

Polling station in the UK

A polling station in the UK. Photo by Elliott Stallion on Unsplash

When it comes to the election, the message from British in Europe is clear: “Make your voice count now, make your vote count, make sure you use it,” Golding said.

With the June 18th registration deadline fast approaching, BiE is advising UK citizens abroad to apply for a proxy vote as soon as possible, rather than relying on a postal vote from abroad. Since the 15-year rule was abolished on January 16th, more than 100,000 British citizens have registered to vote, according to official statistics. It is unclear how many were registered before the change in the law.

With an estimated 4.7 million Brits currently living abroad – 1.3 million of whom are in the EU – this could have a significant impact on the electoral landscape, Golding says. But most significantly, the change is creating a feeling of connection and belonging that wasn’t there before.

Nurturing this sense of belonging is one of the main goals of ICE.

With these bridges being built, British in Europe hopes to create a network of support that spans across borders.

“Now we’ve met. We’re going to meet,” said Golding. “We know we’re going to meet again in Berlin in October and then we’ll meet again in the new year in 2025 as well. It means a huge amount because even British in Europe, our steering team, we’ve only met physically three times.”

This opens up the possibility of people sharing their knowledge from country to country, Golding explained.

“There is crossover and the reassurance of having that EU wide view and knowing that you’re not alone and knowing that in this country, we managed to get this solution,” she said. “And then you can go back and say to the authorities in your country, well, in that country they did that – all of that helps. It’s really good.”

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