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A foreigner’s guide to understanding Danish politics in five minutes

Do you find the different political blocs, support parties and coalitions in Danish politics a bit confusing? Don’t know DF from SF? Speaker from spokesperson? Our five-minute guide to the Danish political parties might be a good place to start.

Published: 12 November 2021 17:53 CET

Denmark's parliament Christiansborg is home to a multitude of parties and ideologies. Photo: Liselotte Sabroe/Ritzau Scanpix

Danish politics is often difficult to understand for foreigners. Not only the language, but the number of parties, new parties that pop up, and sometimes disappear, the ‘red’ and ‘blue blocs’ and the consensus system that sometimes crosses these can often be hard to follow.

Foreigners in Denmark probably became more familiar with some politicians during the COVID-19 pandemic, as the faces of certain politicians – Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen and Health Minister Magnus Heunicke in particular – were regularly on TV screens.

But to really understand Danish life, a better understanding of the political system can help. This is as valid as ever during the current week, with local elections just over the horizon on November 16th – and many foreign residents eligible to vote.

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What is the ‘blue bloc’ and ‘red bloc’?

There are currently 11 parties in the Danish parliament, and the ‘bloc’ classification commonly referred to in Danish politics broadly denotes whether they are right or left of centre.

The governing Social Democrats, for example, are the largest party and de facto leader of the ‘red bloc’, meaning if these parties get the most votes in a general election, the prime minister will come from the Social Democrats. This is the case with the current PM, Mette Frederiksen.

On the other hand, the Liberal (Venstre) party is the largest on the right wing or ‘blue bloc’. Former prime minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen was the leader of the Liberals when in office, though he has since left that party (more on this below). The second-biggest conservative party, the Conservative People’s Party, is edging closer to the Liberals in popularity and speculation suggests they could even get more votes at the upcoming local elections.

It should also noted that because these blocs include so many parties, they encompass a range of political ideology, even though they can be grouped into two main competing factions.

For example, the anti-immigration policies of the Social Democrats are far removed from the humanitarian-first approach of the far-left Red Green Alliance (Enhedslisten), while the moderate pro-EU stance of the Liberals is very different from that of the vehemently anti-immigrant Nye Borgerlige (New Right), who want to leave the EU.

Who are all the parties? Are there really 11 of them in parliament?

The ‘legacy’ or traditional parties in Danish politics are the Social Democrats and Social Liberals (Radikale Venstre) in the red bloc; and the Liberals and Conservatives in the blue bloc.

When you look beyond these, you’ll find newer but well-established and in some cases quite powerful parties, before getting to more recently-formed groups and even those not yet qualified to run in elections (these don’t count towards the 11 total in parliament).

The biggest names in Danish politics beyond the four above are the red-bloc Red Green Alliance (Enhedslisten), and Socialist People’s Party (Socialistisk Folkeparti in Danish, commonly shortened to SF) and the blue-bloc Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti or DF in Danish).

The latter party, since its breakthrough in the mid 1990s, has played a powerful role as kingmaker on the right wing and its anti-immigration platform has hugely impacted the policies enacted by successive governments, including Social Democrat-led ones. Recent poor election results suggest DF’s power may be waning, for the time being at least.

The parties in the ‘blue’ half of Danish politics are rounded out by two relative newcomers: Liberal Alliance, a libertarian party formed in the 2000s; and Nye Borgerlige, founded in 2015. Nye Borgerlige, which does not have an official English name, combines small-government ideology with fierce opposition to immigration, arguably seeking to overtake DF by appealing to far-right voters through anti-Islam invective.

But that only makes nine parties. You said there were more?

There are two more – the environmentalist Alternative party, who first appeared in the 2010s but who are now waning in popular support and member numbers; and the Christian Democrats, an old but small party who gained parliamentary representation when their only MP Jens Rohde defected from the Social Liberals in January this year.

There are also parties who have been approved to run in elections but are not in parliament because there has not been an election since they were formed or approved (general elections are every four years). To be able to run for an election in Denmark, parties must get 20,182 so-called citizens’ nominations (vælgererklæringer) required to be rubber-stamped for inclusion on election ballots.

This is the case for two parties currently: the Vegan Party and the new party formed by ex-PM Rasmussen after he left the Liberals. Rasmussen named his new party the Moderates.

On the flip side, another party, the Independent Greens or Frie Grønne, does have members in parliament — mostly former members of the Alternative party who were elected while still in that group. But because the Independent Greens have yet to register 20,182 citizens’ nominations (vælgererklæringer), they cannot yet appear on general election ballots and their MPs are listed as independents (løsgængere).

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How do so many parties get anything done?

Each party appoints a roster of ordførere or spokespersons, broadly covering the same portfolios as the government ministries. In some cases, parties also have a politisk ordfører (political spokesperson) which is a more senior role. In the Red Green Alliance, which has a flat hierarchy with no “leader” title, the political spokesperson is effectively head of the parliamentary group.

The spokespersons can be invited to meetings with their corresponding government minister to negotiate legislation, depending on the parties involved. They can also summon the minister to a samråd (council) at which they can require ministers to answer questions related to a specified issue.

This is notably different to the titles given to MPs who are not in the government party in the UK, for example, where you will hear “shadow minister” used to refer to the opposition politicians. There are no shadow ministers in Danish politics as such, rather a series of spokespersons from different parties with mandates in the various areas of governance.

It sounds confusing, but feeds into the notion of consensus that runs throughout Danish politics. Even in times of polarisation and distrust, the Danish political system with its many parties is set up to force different factions to work together to find a middle ground, solution or agreement.

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INTERVIEW: 'A lot of people think Brexit is done, but it's not for Brits in Europe'

In the early days of 2021, after the United Kingdom had left the EU and completed the final stage of Brexit, many British citizens returned to their home countries in Europe only to face a grilling at the border.

Though the Withdrawal Agreement (WA) technically guaranteed their right to live and work in the countries they’d settled in before Brexit, there was widespread confusion about these fundamental rights and many were treated like new arrivals.

Over time, the chaos at the airports subsided as border officials and airlines were given clearer guidance on the treatment of Brits. But three years later, a number of Brits who live on the continent still face problems when it comes to proving their post-Brexit rights.

This was the reason campaign group British in Europe decided to set up their new EU-funded ICE project. Starting this year in March, it aims to build valuable connections between UK citizens abroad and mentor the next generation of civil rights advocates around the continent. The acronym stands for ‘Inform, Empower, Connect’ and the project’s organisers describe it as “the first project of its kind”.

“It’s a completely innovative project – especially the fact that it’s across so many countries,” Jane Golding, chair of British in Europe and one of the project’s founders, told The Local.

Bringing together groups from 11 EU member states, the project aims to train up volunteers to understand both the Withdrawal Agreement and EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, as well as learning skills like advocacy and communication, using real-life civil rights cases that are referred to British in Europe.

“The ultimate goal is to amplify the messages across the wider group,” said Golding. “You start with the volunteers, they go back to their groups, then the people that we train, they go back and train people. Then they pass on that knowledge to the wider groups, on their Facebook accounts and through social media, and hopefully it all snowballs, not just in their countries but across the EU.”

‘Far-reaching repercussions’

So many years after Brexit, it’s hard to believe that there’s still a need for a project like ICE that empowers Brits to protect their rights. Indeed, the future of groups like British in Europe and regional groups like British in Germany and Spain-based group EuroCitizens felt uncertain just a year or two ago.

But Golding says there are still serious issues cropping up for Brits in several countries around Europe – they just have a different quality to the problems that arose at the start.

“In some ways it’s needed even more because as we predicted right at the beginning, at the first stage of implementation, you’ve got the more routine cases,” she explained.

“What we’re seeing now is not as many cases, but when the cases come up, they’re complex. They can have such far-reaching repercussions on people’s lives. And of course, memories start to fade. A lot of people think Brexit is already done, but it’s not.”

Volunteers in British in Europe ICE project

The volunteers of the British in Europe ICE project pose for a photo at the kick-off meeting in Brussels on May 21st, 2024. Photo courtesy of British In Europe

Though the rights set out in the Withdrawal Agreement apply across the continent, different countries have taken different approaches to implementing them.

That means that while in Germany, for example, UK citizens simply had to declare that they lived in the country, people in neighbouring Denmark had to apply for their rights.

This led to a notorious situation in Denmark in which as many as 2,000 Brits were threatened with deportation after not applying in time or completing the right application process. According to Golding, this had a lot to do with the fact that people who arrived in 2020 weren’t given the same information as other UK migrants who arrived before.

In Sweden, meanwhile, the situation is still difficult for many Brits who lived there prior to Brexit.

“There have been issues with an anomalously high numbers of refusals compared to other countries, and they seem to be taking a very strict approach on late applications,” Golding explained.

Portugal has been another difficult case. Although the country opted for a declaratory system where Brits could simply exchange old residence documents for a new ID card after Brexit, reports suggest that the authorities have taken years to issue these cards, leaving many of the some 34,000 Brits in the country in limbo.

“While people are still waiting to have their status confirmed and have their card in their hand, it’s difficult to access a whole range of services, like health services, or applying for jobs or dealing with the authorities, or even going to the bank,” Golding said. “All of these problems just affect people’s lives.”

A French border guard checks a passport at the border

A French border guard checks a passport at the border. Photo by DENIS CHARLET / AFP

There are also concerns about the EU’s new exit and entry system (EES), due to come into force in October, which is based on biometric documentation.

“We still do not have clear data on how many people in declaratory countries like Germany, where it wasn’t compulsory to apply for the card, don’t actually have a card,” Golding said. “How is that going to play out if it’s a document-based digitalised system?”

A lack of support

In the immediate aftermath of Brexit, funding from the UK’s Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) was still available to support NGOs in Europe helping Brits with their migration and civil rights issues. But that temporary funding soon expired, leaving groups like British in Europe largely on their own.

“The whole point is people’s lives change at very different paces,” Golding said. “And now this project is really going to start to pick up some of those cases and report on those issues, which is really crucial and exciting for the precedent that it sets, and it’s very clearly necessary still, because people don’t just sort their lives in the 18 months that the FCDO chose to supply that funding.”

This feeling of being left alone and increasingly isolated from the UK is one that many Brits in Europe have felt in the aftermath of Brexit. But the upcoming UK election on July 4th could be a game-changer.

This time, following a change in the law, Brits who have lived abroad for more than 15 years will be able to vote for the first time.

Polling station in the UK

A polling station in the UK. Photo by Elliott Stallion on Unsplash

When it comes to the election, the message from British in Europe is clear: “Make your voice count now, make your vote count, make sure you use it,” Golding said.

With the June 18th registration deadline fast approaching, BiE is advising UK citizens abroad to apply for a proxy vote as soon as possible, rather than relying on a postal vote from abroad. Since the 15-year rule was abolished on January 16th, more than 100,000 British citizens have registered to vote, according to official statistics. It is unclear how many were registered before the change in the law.

With an estimated 4.7 million Brits currently living abroad – 1.3 million of whom are in the EU – this could have a significant impact on the electoral landscape, Golding says. But most significantly, the change is creating a feeling of connection and belonging that wasn’t there before.

Nurturing this sense of belonging is one of the main goals of ICE.

With these bridges being built, British in Europe hopes to create a network of support that spans across borders.

“Now we’ve met. We’re going to meet,” said Golding. “We know we’re going to meet again in Berlin in October and then we’ll meet again in the new year in 2025 as well. It means a huge amount because even British in Europe, our steering team, we’ve only met physically three times.”

This opens up the possibility of people sharing their knowledge from country to country, Golding explained.

“There is crossover and the reassurance of having that EU wide view and knowing that you’re not alone and knowing that in this country, we managed to get this solution,” she said. “And then you can go back and say to the authorities in your country, well, in that country they did that – all of that helps. It’s really good.”

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