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EXPLAINED: Why are France and the UK fighting about fish?

It is so far a war conducted mostly in words, but the French government has threatened actions - so what exactly is the fishing dispute with the UK about?

Fish on sale at the market in Brittany, France
Fish on sale at the market in Brittany, France. Photo: Fred Tanneau/AFP

Is this something to do with Brexit?

Yes, this relates to the trade deal agreed between the UK and the EU back in December. The deal mostly concerns post-Brexit trading agreements, standards and customs checks but it also concerns fishing.

The fishing aspect was slightly overlooked in coverage of the deal, which was reached just days before the Brexit transition period ended on January 1st 2021, because other aspects of trade are simply much more important for the economies of both the UK and the EU.

But fishing has a political importance, as well as obviously being important to people who make their living in the industry.

ANALYSIS Why the new UK-France fishing row could get nasty

What does the deal say?

The principle of the agreement was that British and French fishermen should be able to continue working as they had before Brexit, although things will change in the future.

EU boats are allowed continued access to the UK exclusive economic zone (12 to 200 miles from the coast), with quotas gradually being reduced over the years to come. The UK government has granted 1,700 licences to UK boats to fish in these waters.

But the tension is over licences to operate in Britain’s fish-rich territorial waters, which lie 6-12 nautical miles from the coast, as well as the waters close to Jersey. The deal states that EU fishermen can continue to fish in these waters if they could prove that they had been fishing there in recent years.

However fishermen do need to apply for new licences to carry on fishing and this is where the trouble has erupted.

Licenses for French fishermen are issued either by London or by the self-governing crown dependencies of Jersey and Guernsey, depending on where they want to fish. Although the Channel Islands are not part of the UK they are crown dependencies and rely on London for security and foreign policy issues, so are involved in post-Brexit issues.

London has issued 100 licences to French boats for its territorial waters, while 75 have been rejected, according to figures from the beginning of October.

For Jersey, 111 permanent licences and 31 provisional licences have been issued, while 75 boats have been rejected.

The Treaty itself is vague on the point of ‘pre-established fishing patterns’ and does not specify what proof must be provided, or even if any proof is needed, but the UK has issued its own list of rules requiring French fishermen to submit proof of their fishing activity between 2012 and 2016.

The majority of the licence applications rejected appear to be smaller boats, many of which don’t have onboard satellite systems and have therefore struggled to provide the proof demanded of their pre-Brexit fishing patterns.

So the row is about 150 small fishing boats?

In essence yes, although it’s really about politics.

Paris is furious about what it sees as bad faith from UK authorities in refusing to grant the licences, which comes on top of a general frustration within the EU about the UK’s failure to fully implement the Brexit deal.

The French government is also under pressure to defend its fishing industry and probably has one eye on votes from the coastal communities in next year’s presidential elections.

The UK on the other hand is desperate to salvage a Brexit ‘win’ after making big promises to fishing communities about the benefits that Brexit would have for British fishermen, few of which have so far materialised.

So what now?

So far this has largely been a war of words, although a demo by annoyed French fishermen blockading the Jersey port of St Helier in May did lead to the UK sending a Navy gunboat.

But the French government is sounding increasingly irate and set a deadline of November 1st for the issue to be resolved, saying that if no progress is made then retaliatory measures would begin. These measures include blocking access to certain French fishing ports for British vessels and increasing checks on lorries travelling between France and the UK.

This deadline has now been pushed back after the UK’s Brexit minister accepted an invitation to come to Paris and hold further talks on November 4th. 

A meeting on the issue in Brussels is also scheduled for Friday, November 5th.

Member comments

  1. I suggest the reason that half the French fishing fleet are unable to provide “pre-Brexit fishing patterns” is not the lack of “onboard satellite systems”. All vessels have used GPS chart plotters for at least the last 20 years, the problem is that those digital “records” more than likely show they have been fishing illegally in British waters, hence a reluctance to hand them over…….

    1. As anyone who lives in France knows, if you want a permit to do anything, you must submit the correct documentation. Now, it seems, France finds it unfair that the UK and Jersey are applying the same standards.
      One can imagine the howls of protest if British authorities were to start impounding French fishing boats, which is a very good reason to begin doing exactly that.

  2. To my mind any threat or counter-threat outwith the subject in dispute merely weakens the argument of its maker, in that it introduces hot-headed emotion, irrelevance and probable worse trouble ahead.
    if parts of the Brexit fishing deal are unclear on the subject, then these are still for negotiation without table thumping and that is likely to involve compromises by all concerned participants.
    As to British fish, should we remember that something like 80% of British catches are exported ( ie. Britain wants just the 20%) and involves less than 2% of GB’s gross domestic product.
    As a Brit, I’d prefer to see GB leading the situation to a happy conclusion under agreeable terms.

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ELECTIONS

Explained: The party manifestos for France’s snap elections

As the formal campaign period begins in France's snap legislative elections, here's a look at the manifestos of the main parties and what they mean for foreigners living here.

Explained: The party manifestos for France's snap elections

Monday marks the start of the official campaign period for France’s snap legislative elections – a brief two-week campaign before the first round of voting on Sunday, June 30th followed by round two a week later on July 7th. 

Here’s a look at the manifestos of the main parties, with a particular emphasis on any immigration policies that would affect the lives of foreigners in France, or those planning to move here some day.

Renaissance

First up is Emmanuel Macron’s centrist party Renaissance – its platform was unveiled by Macron himself in a televised press conference, with a more detailed programme unveiled later by prime minister Gabriel Attal.

The party is at a bit of a disadvantage when it comes to the programme, since its main policy goals are already known and it is limited by financial and other factors from announcing any especially bold new goals. The result was that Macron in his launch speech was left to talk about policies that had already been announced or vague goals such as holding a ‘national debate’ on France’s secularism policy.

Macron also framed the election as a ‘battle against extremism’ saying: “I hope that when the time comes, men and women of goodwill who will have been able to say no to the extremes will come together… to build a shared, sincere project that is useful to the country.” 

Programme – Much of the programme will be familiar since Macron was after all re-elected in 2022 and set out his five-year plan at the time. On the economy and the environment, the president said that his party would continue to grow foreign investment in France, cut unemployment and work towards the ‘green reindustrialisation’ of the country – a Macron pet project to create jobs and industry in France by embracing new green technologies such as car batteries.

He also re-committed to France’s domestic nuclear energy programme, and to France’s strong support for Ukraine.

Among the new parts were a ‘great national debate’ on the tricky subject of French state secularism (laïcité) and limits to access to screens for children – as recommended by a commission of experts.

Attal also unveiled some new measures on the key issue of the cost-of-living, with promises to triple the ‘Macron bonus’ paid to some employees from €3,000 a year to €10,000, index-linking pensions to inflation, reducing utility bills by 15 percent next winter and help for parents in buying school supplies.

He also proposes axing the notaire fee (in reality a kind of tax on home purchases) for any property purchased for under €250,000 and setting up an extra renovation fund to give grants to property-owners to repairs and energy works.

Some ongoing Macronist legislation such as changing the law on assisted dying has been interrupted on its journey through parliament, but would likely restart if the party wins a majority.

The party’s programme makes no specific suggestions for changes to the immigration system, but it did just introduce a new immigration law in January that – among other things – introduces a language test requirement for certain types of residency cards and raises the language level required for French citizenship through naturalisation.

Front Populaire

France’s largest leftist political parties have struck an election pact not to stand candidates against each other – in order to avoid dividing the leftist vote.

This means that the hard-left La France Insoumise will field 229 candidates, the centre-left Parti Socialiste will field 175, the Green EELV 92 and the Communists 50. It also means that the parties are presenting a single, joint manifesto under the banner of Nouveau Front Populaire – which has been the subject of much argument and some awkward compromises.

Programme – much of the programme is concerned with cancelling recent Macronist laws. Among the laws it says it will cancel are the new immigration bill – the one that introduces French language tests for certain types of residency card and raises the language level required for French citizenship.

The manifesto also proposes introducing a 10-year carte de séjour residency card ‘as the standard card’ – at present the standard model is for one-year cards initially and then move on to five-year and then 10-year cards, although there are significant variations based on your personal status (eg working, student, retired or family member).

Also set for the chop are Macron’s changes to unemployment benefits plus a cancellation of the price rises in electricity and gas and the reintroduction of the ‘wealth tax’ scrapped by Macron in 2018. Meanwhile the pension age would be dropped down to 60 (cancelling Macron’s law raising it from 62 to 64 and dropping it another two years).

The party would also raise the Smic (minimum wage) to €1,600 a month.

The environment forms a key part of the manifesto with a range of green incentives plus tax and financing rules that would clamp down on fossil fuels.

On foreign policy there are some delicately worded compromises since views on Ukraine and Gaza had previously split the leftist alliance. The group promises to “unfailingly defend the sovereignty and freedom of the Ukrainian people” including by delivering weapons and writing off debt. On Gaza, the party would recognise the Palestinian state and embargo arms supplies to Israel.

Policy towards the EU – a topic that divides the left – is left to one side.

Rassemblement National

The far-right Rassemblement National party will be joined by at least some candidates from the right-wing Les Republicains party, although the internal party divide over that pact will see some LR candidates independently. 

Programme – the party makes immigration one of its key concerns, with a commitment to “drastically reduce legal and illegal immigration and deport foreign criminals” listed as a priority.

The programme opposes both non-economic migration and family reunification – no detail is given on changes to the visa or residency card system in this area, but it seems likely that anyone wanting to move for non-work related reasons (eg retirees) would face restrictions. Likewise spouse visas would be affected by any changes to family reunification rules.

Non-French citizens would only be able to access social benefits such as housing benefits or caring allowances after working in France for five years and there would also be a ‘French first’ preference for access to employment and social housing.

Residency permits would be withdrawn for any non-French citizens who have been unemployed for more than one year.

Asylum claims would exclusively be processed outside France.

When it comes to French citizenship, the party wants to abolish the droit du sol, which gives the right to French citizenship to children born in France to foreign parents and limit access to citizenship for adults “on the basis of merit and assimilation” – it’s not clear how this would differ from the current system where candidates must already prove that they speak French and understand French culture and politics.

The party also has a strong line on law and order – doubling the number of magistrates, increasing fines for certain offences, adding those convicted of street harassment to the sex offenders’ register and creating a “presumption of legitimate defence” for police officers who kill or injure members of the public.

This article is part of a series on election platforms in France, we will look at each party’s economic platform in a separate piece. You can follow all the latest election news in our election section HERE, and you can also sign up here to receive our bi-weekly election breakdown during the campaign period

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