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New political era: Post-Merkel German election reaches final stretch

The race to choose German Chancellor Angela Merkel's successor has shaped up as the most suspenseful since her rise to power 16 years ago, signalling a potentially turbulent new political era in Europe's top economy.

New political era: Post-Merkel German election reaches final stretch
Chancellor Angela Merkel receives flowers from SPD chancellor candidate Olaf Scholz for her July 17th birthday this year. Photo: picture alliance/dpa/Reuters/Pool | Axel Schmidt

With a month to go until the September 26th vote, Merkel’s conservative CDU-CSU bloc and their current junior partners in government, the Social Democrats, are running neck-and-neck, with the ecologist Greens close behind.

That leaves wide open the question of who will steer the EU’s most populous nation after the widely trusted Merkel retires from politics.

With the Afghanistan debacle triggering a crisis of confidence in the West and the climate emergency demanding urgent action, Germany may well be tied up for months to come with a messy struggle to form a coalition government under a new chancellor.

“It is only now dawning on many people that Merkel is leaving the stage,” Ursula Münch, director of the Academy for Political Education, near Munich, told AFP.

“Of course the candidates are being judged in comparison to her – they’re big shoes to fill.”

READ ALSO: After Merkel – who could be next in line to lead Germany?

‘Tide has turned’

The frontrunner by a whisker according to most polls remains Armin Laschet, the affable but gaffe-prone premier of North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany’s most populous state, and head of Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union.

The veteran leader sought to lend some of her enduring star power to Laschet at a joint campaign event in Berlin last weekend, calling him a “bridge-builder” and saying she was “deeply convinced” of his abilities.

Voters, however, do not appear to share her confidence.

READ ALSO: German chancellor candidate Laschet loses favour with voters: poll

After Laschet emerged from a bare-knuckle battle within the conservative bloc as the candidate in April, many Germans reacted sceptically to what they saw as his inconsistent strategy to confront the pandemic.

A disastrous appearance during deadly floods in July in which he was caught laughing on camera while President Frank-Walter Steinmeier expressed his sympathies to victims reinforced doubts about his gravitas.

“The tide has turned against Laschet and his party,” news weekly Der Spiegel said. “That can change but it should be clear to him – it will get harder by the day.”

Chancellor Angela Merkel with conservative candidate Armin Laschet in August. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Kay Nietfeld

Meanwhile the Social Democrats, weakened for years by infighting, have mounted a remarkable surge, largely attributed to their competitors’ shaky showing.

Their centrist candidate, Vice-Chancellor and Finance Minister Olaf Scholz, has emerged as the campaign’s dark horse by remaining above the fray and avoiding embarrassing blunders.

“Scholz has appeared statesmanlike,” wrote the top-selling, traditionally right-wing daily Bild.

“He – not Laschet – seems the natural heir to the Merkel era. He is not making any mistakes.”

READ ALSO: Germany’s Social Democrats take surprise lead in election poll 

‘Almost tragic’ 

Many analysts noted that Laschet also made the tactical error of turning most of his firepower on the Greens’ untested candidate, Annalena Baerbock, instead of Scholz.

Her initially strong appeal has largely fizzled following accusations of plagiarism and padding her CV and in the face of a targeted “fake news” onslaught.

Münch, the political scientist, said the Greens had miscalculated in choosing Baerbock, an MP who has never led a state or a ministry, citing her
gender as justification.

“It is a shame she didn’t wait until she had gained more experience – her confidence is obviously shaken now and it’s almost tragic because I don’t know if she’ll get another chance to run.”

Polls put both the centre-right CDU-CSU and the Social Democrats on around 23 percent, with the Greens at about 17 percent.

Compared to the 2017 election, that would mark a whopping 10-point slide for the conservatives who have never scored below 30 percent in any election post-war. It would be a small gain for the SPD on their record low score and a doubling of the Greens’ vote.

READ ALSO: How Germany’s new legion of foreign voters are gearing up for the election

The pro-business Free Democrats, frequent kingmakers in post-war politics, are tallying around 13 percent meaning they could play an outsize role in the coalition horse-trading.

The far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), a key spoiler at the last election but spurned by the other parties, is trailing at about 12 percent as the national debate has shifted away from their signature issue of migration.

Assuming the race remains close, the parties are bracing for marathon coalition negotiations after an unusually ill-tempered campaign.

However, Bild highlighted that after a generation of Merkel coming out on top at the polls, “at long last, Germany may be able to look forward to a genuine race for the chancellery”.

By Deborah Cole

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GERMAN CITIZENSHIP

German conservatives vow to overturn dual citizenship if re-elected

Foreigners in Germany are waiting on tenterhooks for the introduction of the new dual nationality law on Thursday - but the centre-right CDU and CSU say they would overturn the reform if re-elected next year.

German conservatives vow to overturn dual citizenship if re-elected

“The CDU and CSU will reverse this unsuccessful reform,” Alexander Throm (CDU), spokesperson on domestic policy for the CDU/CSU parliamentary group, told DPA on Tuesday.

“Dual citizenship must remain the exception and be limited to countries that share our values.”

Throm also criticised the new citizenship law for reducing the amount of time foreigners need to live in the country before naturalising as Germans, describing the new residence requirements as “far too short”.

“After five or even three years, it is not yet possible to determine with certainty whether integration has been successful in the long term,” he stated.

“The recent caliphate demonstrations and the rampant Islamist extremism, often by people with German passports, must be a wake-up call for us all.”

READ ALSO: Which foreign residents are likely to become German after citizenship law change?

Despite vociferous opposition, the alliance between the Christian Democrats (CDU) and their Bavarian sister party (CSU) was powerless to stop the traffic-light coalition’s citizenship reform passing in both the Bundestag and Bundesrat earlier this year. 

The reform, which permits the holding of multiple passports, lowers residence requirements and removes language hurdles for certain groups, is set to come into force on June 27th. 

But with the CDU and CSU emerging as clear winners in the recent EU parliamentary elections and regularly landing on 30 percent or above in the polls, it’s possible that the party could be on course to re-enter government next year. 

In this situation, the centre-right parties have pledged to try and undo what senior CDU politicians have described as a “dangerous” reform.

“It is not unusual for successive governments to reverse decisions made by the previous government,” Andrea Lindholz, the head of the CDU/CSU parliamentary group said in a recent response to a question

“We will maintain our position on this and will continue to strive for a corresponding change.”

READ ALSO: What are citizenship offices around Germany doing to prepare for the new law?

Whether the CDU and CSU can secure enough votes at both state and federal elections to change the law in the future remains to be seen.

The parties may also have to compromise on their plans with any future coalition partner, such as the Greens, Social Democrats (SPD) or Free Democrats (FDP), all of whom support liberal immigration laws and the holding of multiple nationalities. 

‘Citizenship devaluation law’

The CDU and CSU parties, which form a centre-right alliance nicknamed the Union, have long been opposed to dual nationality in Germany.

During their years of governing in a so-called grand coalition with the centre-right Social Democrats (SPD), the parties had regularly made reforms of citizenship one of their red lines, citing the danger of hostile nations influencing Germany from within. 

In a recent parliamentary speech back in January, Throm had slammed the bill as a “citizenship devaluation law” and accused the government of trying to generate a new electorate to win votes.

CDU politician Alexander Throm speaks in a debate in the German Bundestag

CDU politician Alexander Throm speaks in a debate in the German Bundestag. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Christoph Soeder

In comments aimed primarily at Germany’s large Turkish diaspora, the CDU politician claimed that people who had lived in Germany for decades but not taken German citizenship had already chosen their old country over Germany.

The majority of Turks in Germany are also supporters of the authoritarian president Recep Erdogan, he argued.

Responding to the claims, FDP migration expert Ann-Veruschka Jurisch said the opposition was fuelling resentments against migrants by claiming the government was “squandering German citizenship”.

In fact, she argued, the reform has tightened up requirements by ensuring that people who claim benefits and cannot support themselves are unable to become German citizens.

READ ALSO: What you need to know about Germany’s citizenship law reform

In addition, the B1 language requirements have only been softened in a few exceptional cases, for example to honour the lifetime achievements of the guest worker generation who had few opportunities when they arrived, Jurisch said. 

If foreigners have committed crimes, the authorities will be able to investigate whether these involved racist or anti-Semitic motives before citizenship is granted, she added. 

With reporting by DPA

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