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ANALYSIS: Germany’s rising Covid cases and state elections mean Merkel’s CDU could be in for a shock

Amidst rising Covid infections and stalled vaccinations, Germany’s “super election year” has kicked off with heavy losses for Merkel’s Christian Democrats in two key state elections. The previously unthinkable possibility of the CDU leaving the Chancellery—or even national government altogether — is no longer off the table, writes Aaron Burnett.

ANALYSIS: Germany's rising Covid cases and state elections mean Merkel's CDU could be in for a shock
CDU candidates hold a meeting in Baden-Württemberg following the announcement of the election results on Sunday. Photo: DPA

Angela Merkel’s handover of power was never supposed to be this messy. Even after her rumoured favourite, Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, stepped down surprisingly as CDU Chair in early 2020, many German political observers generally expected the long-serving Chancellor to eventually hand over the country’s top job to a fellow Christian Democrat.

Sunday’s state election results not only throw big questions on those assumptions—but open the possibility that when Merkel leaves government, the CDU follows her out. Following a chancellorship built on Merkel’s brand of stability, the 2021 German national election could ironically be the country’s most unpredictable campaign in a long time.

In 2020, international media outlets sometimes held Germany up as a case study for how western countries could manage the pandemic’s public health and economic fallouts. But it’s a new year—coronavirus cases are rising once again, the country’s slow vaccination rollout isn’t picking up speed, and two CDU/CSU MdBs have resigned following evidence they personally profited from government mask purchases early in the pandemic.

Around half of German voters are now dissatisfied with the country’s overall pandemic management. Three-quarters are discontent with its vaccine rollout. The government’s approval rating has sunk to its lowest level since the pandemic began last year. Lockdown fatigue has set in, with a majority of voters in favour of at least a partial relaxing of restrictions, even with cases rising. 

Against all this, the Rhineland-Palatinate and Baden-Württemberg elections offered one of the best chances for the country’s political parties to gauge public moods before September’s federal vote

Both contests saw the CDU vote share drop to historic lows—while Baden-Württemberg’s Greens netted their best ever election showing at 33 percent of the vote.

READ ALSO: Merkel’s conservatives suffer heavy losses in two German state elections

Sitting Green Premier Winfried Kretschmann is spoilt for choice when it comes to possible coalition partners to join his state government. He could either opt to continue his current “Green-Black” coalition with the CDU—or negotiate a three-way coalition with the Social Democrats and liberal Free Democrats, whose traditional colours are red and yellow, respectively. If he pursues it, expect more German media interviews in the next few months about whether a possible “traffic light” coalition might work nationally.

“It’s clear that it’s possible to achieve majorities without the CDU,” SPD Chancellor candidate Olaf Scholz said of the results. “It’s also possible to govern Germany without the CDU and CSU.”

For now, the liberal FDP is downplaying traffic light expectations—making it clear its cooperation comes at a price. “In coalitions, we take care to ensure that we won’t have higher taxes or absurd bans,” tweeted Marco Buschmann, a high-ranking FDP Member of the Bundestag.

Speaking to public broadcaster ZDF, FDP Leader Christian Lindner laid out the party’s conditions, but left the door open. “The cards are being reshuffled this year, as Ms. Merkel is obviously not running again” he said. “But it’s the [policy] content that’s decisive.”

Recent polls show about a third of Germans would vote for Merkel’s CDU if an election were held now. That’s a figure that leads all other parties and makes it nearly impossible to form a government without it. Yet its numbers have slipped around five percent from what they were less than a month ago.

The CDU is clearly spooked. “If we don’t find our way back to our strengths, then other parties can govern without us,” former CDU leadership contender Norbert Röttgen told ARD.

“A catastrophe for our CDU,” tweeted MdB Kai Whittaker. “No more dull continuity politics. We need a new beginning.”

Yet new CDU Chair Armin Laschet has only been in the job for two months. Where else can Union politicians turn for a fresh start if not to the man they just voted in as their new leader? Based on approval numbers, many might already be tempted to turn away from Berlin and look to Munich for the answer—specifically to Bavarian Premier Markus Söder.

Laschet speaking at a press conference on Monday following the election results. Photo: DPA

In the Bundestag, the CDU bands together with its Bavarian sister party, the Christian Social Union. Before each national election, the two decide on a joint candidate to put forward for Chancellor. Customarily, Laschet would be the Union candidate as CDU Chair. But the Union has opted for a CSU candidate twice before, once in 1980 and once in 2002—losing both times.

With three-quarters of Germans recently surveyed—including CDU voters—reporting that they don’t think Laschet is suitable for the Chancellery, the Union could soon decide their chances are better with Söder.

READ ALSO: Three-quarters of Germans think new CDU leader Laschet ‘not suitable choice for Chancellor’

At a score of 54 percent in early March, only Merkel’s approval rating exceeds Söder’s among Germans nationally, buoyed so far by his strict crisis leadership in Bavaria. His recent public statements on how the country should manage the pandemic suggest he’s testing his potential chances at a national level.

“Vaccination must be faster. We need faster approvals, more time between doses and an export ban for AstraZeneca,” he tweeted just before Germany temporarily suspended the vaccine’s use. “It can’t be that the US hoards all vaccines. A good partnership also means there needs to be a transatlantic approach to vaccines.”

While Söder is vocal on pandemic management issues beyond what might be considered his purview as a German state leader, he’s keeping quiet on whether he in fact intends to run. “There’s nothing new to report on the Chancellor candidate question,” Söder told reporters after Sunday’s state elections. “We’ll be continuing our discussions to decide the best possible lineup we can offer together. We are still two parties who need to come to a common decision.”

Given the CDU’s current downward trend, those discussions with the CSU might become increasingly one-sided the longer the pandemic drags on in Germany. Given Laschet’s image as a candidate representing continuity with the Merkel era, the country’s recent pandemic stumbles may leave the Union deciding that Söder is the only candidate with a profile both large and independent enough for them to keep the Chancellor’s office later this year.

Aaron Burnett is a German-Canadian journalist specialising in international security, as well as European and Canadian politics.

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CLIMATE CRISIS

INTERVIEW: ‘Failed climate policies are fuelling far-right politics in Germany’

Alt-right political parties tend to oppose environmental protections, but is there a connection between their political success and climate policy failures? Author and thought-leader Sandrine Dixson-Declève explains why Germany may be having a ‘1930s moment’, and why the next elections are gravely important.

INTERVIEW: 'Failed climate policies are fuelling far-right politics in Germany'

It’s understood that far-right and populist political parties tend to either downplay the realities of climate change, or block progressive policies that would try to mitigate its impacts. But the link between failed climate policies and the recent rise of populist parties is rarely addressed.

Speaking as a panellist at the Green Tech Festival in Berlin on Thursday, climate policy thought-leader Sandrine Dixson-Declève voiced concern that poor climate and economic policies are fuelling the popularity of far-right politics in Germany and across Europe. 

Co-president of the Club of Rome, Dixson-Declève works to promote policies that she believes would help secure a sustainable future for humanity. Such policies are laid out in the book Earth for All: A Survival Guide for Humanity, that she co-authored.

The Local spoke with Sandrine Dixson-Declève about Germany’s climate policy failures, and why she thinks the upcoming European elections are of the utmost importance.

The shortcomings of Germany’s ‘Energiewende’ had serious political consequences

Having been a contributor and advisor to Germany’s Energiewende (energy transition), Dixson-Declève has followed German politics and environmental policy for years.

“I believe that one of the biggest mistakes was that we politicised energy policy in Germany from the outset,” she told The Local, adding, “Merkel actually accepted the big green push to pull out of nuclear, which actually created a big mess.”

Germany’s anti-nuclear energy movement dates back to the 19070s, and led to the foundation of the Green party. Under Merkel’s leadership, a plan was adopted to phase out nuclear power with the last three nuclear power plants taken offline in 2023.

But losing nuclear power as an energy source came with some serious consequences.

“The first big mess was the continued burning of coal,” Dixson-Declève explained. “The second big mess was Nord Stream 2, and that led to the invasion of Ukraine…because it gave Putin power.”

Still, she wouldn’t suggest that Germany try to revive its nuclear power now: “I believe that Germany needs to really think through the next steps.”

READ ALSO: ‘Nuclear power is a dead horse in Germany’: Scholz rejects reopening plants 

Protestors run past riot police

A wave of protestors break through police lines at Lützerath. Open pit coal mining in west Germany destroyed most of the Hambach Forest, as well as dozens of villages such as Lützerath. At both sites massive citizen protests were met with brutal police evictions. Photo by Paul Krantz.

Energy efficiency is the missing piece to Germany’s climate plans

How to build up renewable energy infrastructure is at the centre of most discourse around curbing fossil fuel use, but using the energy we have more efficiently arguably deserves more immediate attention.

“The other missing link, which no one talks about, is energy efficiency,” Dixson-Declève said. “Actually the best energy is the energy you don’t use. That is unsexy, and that is why energy efficiency hasn’t been taken up the way it should have been since 2010.”

While working on climate and energy plans in 2010, she says she came across a study that said Europe could wean itself off of Russian gas just by putting energy efficiency requirements in place for buildings.

In 2022 the European Commission finally began to take this idea seriously when Germany and Europe suddenly needed to replace Russian gas imports, following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Another massive energy saver that has been politicised for all the wrong reasons in Germany is heat pumps.

According to Eurostat data, about half of all energy consumed in the EU is used for heating and cooling, and most of that energy comes from fossil fuels. Heat pumps are significantly more efficient than boilers and allow for greater use of renewable energy sources.

But when Economy Minister Robert Habeck led an effort to promote heat pumps by banning new fossil-powered heating systems, conservative and far-right parties jumped on the issue as if it were an attack on personal freedoms. 

“As environmentalists, we need to get better at translating the environmental narrative into something that resonates with people,” said Dixson-Declève. 

READ ALSO: Reader question – How do I install a heat pump in my German property?

A unified coalition government that is serious about climate protections might have better communicated to people that heat pumps would ultimately save them money: “They should have been enabled in a way that truly assisted people in getting the heat that they needed in an affordable way at the right time.”

‘I am very scared we are in a 1930s moment’

Whereas the coalition government has largely failed to communicate to voters how environmental policies will improve their lives and save them money, conservative and far-right parties have done extremely well at hijacking the narrative. 

The European People’s Party (EPP – the EU’s largest conservative party), for example, is particularly adept at using citizens’ economic concerns to block environmental policies.

Having analysed the EPP’s manifestos, Dixson-Declève notes that they acknowledge the need to mitigate climate change, but say that protections cannot cost. 

“I think the EPP has done a very good job both of putting in fear of the greens, [as if] they’re only going to think about green climate policies and not about social policies [whereas] we’re here to think about you.”

Sandrine Dixson-Declève with Earth for All

Sandrine Dixson-Declève holds up a copy of the book ‘Earth for All’ alongside two of the book’s co-authors. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Wolfgang Kumm

Germany’s far-right parties tend to use similar messaging to try and convince voters that they will better improve the lives of citizens than the current coalition parties have. 

READ ALSO: Why are the far-right AfD doing so well in German polls?

Nearly 100 years ago, the National Socialist (Nazi) party succeeded in drumming up major support along similar lines.

Speaking as a panellist at Berlin’s Green Tech Festival, when asked how she thought European politicians were doing on climate issues, Dixson-Declève described them as deer in the headlights, adding, “I am very scared we are in a 1930s moment”.

“I think that in the 1930s we didn’t see Hitler coming, we didn’t read the tea leaves,” she told The Local, adding that in the present moment, “people are suffering. When people suffer, they look to anything, any message that’s going to make them feel like that next leader is going to help them.” 

She also suggests that we can’t count on the youth vote to save us, citing Argentina and Portugal as two places where young voters have actually pushed politics to the right recently.

READ ALSO: A fight for the youth vote: Are German politicians social media savvy enough?

“This is a tipping moment politically, and if we’re not careful, it could explode in our faces,” said Dixson-Declève. “We need to get as many people to vote this year [as possible]. It’s an absolutely fundamental vote, alongside the United States, in order to make sure that we don’t slide to the right across Europe.”

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