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ANALYSIS: Could Italy’s coronavirus crisis boost euroscepticism and the far right?

Italy is staring down the barrel of the worst recession since World War II, which could bolster the far-right and damage the country's love affair with the European Union, analysts say.

ANALYSIS: Could Italy's coronavirus crisis boost euroscepticism and the far right?
Will the Covid-19 emergency fuel populist and far-right narratives in Italy? Photo: Vincenzo Pinto/AFP

Much will depend on how Rome handles the easing of the national lockdown, how quickly it manages to get liquidity to suffering businesses, and how much solidarity it is seen to get from the EU at a key meeting this week.

The coronavirus emergency in Italy has fuelled not only national pride but also eurosceptic and populist narratives.

That brew could play right into the hands of Matteo Salvini, whose League party governed Italy in a coalition for a year until summer 2019 and who is determined to return quickly to power, to rule alone.

“The [economic] blow is going to be extremely hard, that's clear. But it can be merely extremely hard, or it can be exceptionally hard,” Giovanni Orsina, professor of politics at Rome's LUISS University, told AFP.

“If people begin to suffer seriously, rage could spread throughout the country… at which point far-right propaganda becomes very effective”, he said.

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At the height of the health crisis, which has killed over 22,000 people and infected around 169,000, largely in the country's wealthy northern powerhouse, Italy's warring political parties called a temporary truce of sorts. Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte's popularity shot up to a record high of around 63 percent, polls showed.

But as preparations for relaunching parts of the economy begin, cracks have emerged in the already fragile ruling coalition, made up of the centre-left Democratic Party and anti-establishment Five Star Movement (M5S).

And opposition leader Salvini has resumed his attacks on the government, along with Giorgia Meloni, head of the small far-right Brothers of Italy party, which has been enjoying a sharp rise in popularity.

Bitter spats have broken out over the length of the economically crippling lockdown, which has been extended by Conte and is currently due to be lifted on May 4th, after a near two-month stoppage.

Millions of Italians are either furloughed or have lost their jobs, and the northern regions — League strongholds — are champing at the bit to reopen.

The economic fallout forecast is mind-boggling. The International Monetary Fund expects Italy's economy to shrink by 9.1 percent in 2020 — the worst peacetime decline in nearly a century. The Confindustria big business lobby has said every week of the shutdown chops another 0.75 percent off GDP.

READ ALSO: When will Italy's lockdown 'phase two' begin and what will it involve?


Closed shopfronts in Bergamo, one of the worst-hit provinces in Italy. Photo: Miguel Medina/AFP

Yet Conte has hesitated over entering the so-called “Phase Two”, the easing of the lockdown, amid advice from top scientists that the epidemic could flare up again, forcing him to shut down the country a second time.

He is banking on help from the EU to weather the storm. Eurogroup finance ministers have approved a 500-billion-euro rescue package to help European countries hit hard by the pandemic — but some Italians fear that the cross-border solidarity will come with strings attached.

Rome is reluctant to use the rescue plan, which includes loans from the financial-crisis-era European Stability Mechanism (ESM), despite an easing of the tough economic and fiscal reform usually tied to it as requirements.

The ESM evokes bad memories of Brussels dictating policy to bailed-out Greece, and Salvini and Meloni have both said Conte would be stripping Italy of its sovereignty if he uses it. They also complain Italy is being offered a fraction of the money it pours into the EU, and will have to pay interest.

“It's stealing,” Salvini said, dismissing the suggestion Italy had got a good deal in terms of the reduced conditions. Meloni said using the mechanism was “worthy of a totalitarian regime” and “a democratic point of no return”.


Giorgia Meloni and Matteo Salvini at a rally last year. Photo: Tiziana Fabi/AFP

Conte's problems are not limited to the right-wing. While the PD is in favour of using the ESM, part of the Five Star Movement is stridently opposed, with party leader Vito Crimi saying in an interview on Wednesday that Conte's premiership was at risk over it.

According to political analyst Stefano Folli, a fracture like the one currently dividing the ruling majority “would usually have already toppled the government”.

Conte has said no decision will be taken before the exact conditions are drawn up and can be studied by parliament.

Analysts say the PM is gambling on getting more attractive aid from the EU if he drags his feet over the ESM. 

The government hopes it will score an important win on the question of joint bonds to finance reconstruction at a videoconference meeting of EU leaders on Thursday — perhaps allowing it to avoid using the ESM.

READ ALSO: 'Europe needs an answer': Italian PM tells Germany to back 'coronabonds'


Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte. Photo: Tiziana Fabi/AFP

EU ministers have so far refused to counter a proposal from Italy, Spain, and France for a joint borrowing instrument, dubbed a “coronabond”, that would have raised money towards a recovery after the outbreak.

The bonds could reduce Italy's borrowing costs, but northern nations say they unfairly help countries that had been spending beyond their means for years. That has incensed many Italians.

Italy also felt abandoned at the start of the crisis, with European countries reluctant to share much-needed medical supplies, for which the EU Commission president offered a “heartfelt apology” this week.

A Tecne poll from April 9th and 10th found the share of Italians that would vote to leave the EU in a referendum was up by 20 percentage points to 49 percent, compared to a previous poll from the end of 2018.

Former Italian prime minister Enrico Letta implored Brussels, Berlin and Paris “not to underestimate… growing euro-frustration” among Italians. It would be “a big mistake”, he tweeted.

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Conte has been accused of avoiding difficult decisions on lifting the lockdown by simply extending it. He has called on Italians to be patient, saying financial aid was coming.

But it is not clear his assurances will soften the rumblings of discontent inside and outside the government.

There are real fears that widespread job losses, poverty, homelessness and hunger could spark social unrest. Media reports have flagged a rise in domestic abuse and suicides as quarantined families snap under the strain.

READ ALSO: Italy 'considering psychological tests' to judge how long people can stay at home

Italy's interior minister has put the police on alert. Particular attention will be paid to the poorer regions south of Rome, where the lockdown is costing some €10 billion a month in lost productivity, according to the SVIMEZ association.

Anger is rising there that an area already dogged with high unemployment has not been allowed to leave the lockdown early, despite having relatively few virus cases.

“If you have a very, very troubled country, you cannot have Salvini and Meloni fanning the flames,” LUISS University's Orsina said.

“You risk serious trouble: very bad polling numbers for the government, people protesting in the streets, people stealing in supermarkets, a furious country,” he said.

READ ALSO: Which Italian regions will be first to beat the coronavirus?


Photo: Alberto Pizzoli/AFP

Not all are as pessimistic. The Stampa daily's commentator Ugo Magri said Salvini or Meloni were unlikely to go for Conte's jugular now, largely because they would be blamed if the manoeuvre slowed or hampered the easing of the lockdown.

“Conte will be politically untouchable throughout 'Phase Two', so until the autumn,” he wrote.

And while fellow analyst Massimo Franco thought Italy's anti-European forces could prevail in the short term, he told AFP he believed Italians would soon realise their connection with Europe “is increasingly necessary and important”.

“Problems like pandemics need a supranational effort. And Europe, in spite of everything, is doing what it can for Italy,” he said.

By AFP's Ella Ide

Member comments

  1. And precisely why should the Italians continue to support membership in the EU? As this crisis as shown, when the EU could have risen to the occasion and led the way by working in concert to help those members in need, the exact opposite has happened, the acted like a bunch of jackals, everyman for themselves.. And now this ludicrous ‘loan’ will do nothing more than plunge Italy into greater debt and relinquish the little sovereignty it has left. The sooner the EU fails the better for Europe as they can then create a simple and more efficient trading scheme where each country is unburdened by dictates from an ever-growing inefficient, dictatorial bureaucracy that seeks to control every aspect of life while insuring Europe is flooded with immigrants who care little for the culture or way of life of the Europeans.

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2024 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS

From Swexit to Frexit: How Europe’s far-right parties have ditched plans to leave EU

Far-right parties, set to make soaring gains in the European Parliament elections in June, have one by one abandoned plans to get their countries to leave the European Union.

From Swexit to Frexit: How Europe's far-right parties have ditched plans to leave EU

Whereas plans to leave the bloc took centre stage at the last European polls in 2019, far-right parties have shifted their focus to issues such as immigration as they seek mainstream votes.

“Quickly a lot of far-right parties abandoned their firing positions and their radical discourse aimed at leaving the European Union, even if these parties remain eurosceptic,” Thierry Chopin, a visiting professor at the College of Europe in Bruges told AFP.

Britain, which formally left the EU in early 2020 following the 2016 Brexit referendum, remains the only country to have left so far.

Here is a snapshot:

No Nexit 

The Dutch Freedom Party (PVV) led by Geert Wilders won a stunning victory in Dutch national elections last November and polls indicate it will likely top the European vote in the Netherlands.

While the manifesto for the November election stated clearly: “the PVV wants a binding referendum on Nexit” – the Netherlands leaving the EU – such a pledge is absent from the European manifesto.

For more coverage of the 2024 European Elections click here.

The European manifesto is still fiercely eurosceptic, stressing: “No European superstate for us… we will work hard to change the Union from within.”

The PVV, which failed to win a single seat in 2019 European Parliament elections, called for an end to the “expansion of unelected eurocrats in Brussels” and took aim at a “veritable tsunami” of EU environmental regulations.

No Frexit either

Leaders of France’s National Rally (RN) which is also leading the polls in a challenge to President Emmanuel Macron, have also explicitly dismissed talk they could ape Britain’s departure when unveiling the party manifesto in March.

“Our Macronist opponents accuse us… of being in favour of a Frexit, of wanting to take power so as to leave the EU,” party leader Jordan Bardella said.

But citing EU nations where the RN’s ideological stablemates are scoring political wins or in power, he added: “You don’t leave the table when you’re about to win the game.”

READ ALSO: What’s at stake in the 2024 European parliament elections?

Bardella, 28, who took over the party leadership from Marine Le Pen in 2021, is one of France’s most popular politicians.

The June poll is seen as a key milestone ahead of France’s next presidential election in 2027, when Le Pen, who lead’s RN’s MPs, is expected to mount a fourth bid for the top job.

Dexit, maybe later

The co-leader of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, Alice Weidel, said in January 2024 that the United Kingdom’s Brexit referendum was an example to follow for the EU’s most populous country.

Weidel said the party, currently Germany’s second most popular, wanted to reform EU institutions to curb the power of the European Commission and address what she saw as a democratic deficit.

But if the changes sought by the AfD could not be realised, “we could have a referendum on ‘Dexit’ – a German exit from the EU”, she said.

The AfD which has recently seen a significant drop in support as it contends with various controversies, had previously downgraded a “Dexit” scenario to a “last resort”.

READ ALSO: ‘Wake-up call’: Far-right parties set to make huge gains in 2024 EU elections

Fixit, Swexit, Polexit…

Elsewhere the eurosceptic Finns Party, which appeals overwhelmingly to male voters, sees “Fixit” as a long-term goal.

The Sweden Democrats (SD) leader Jimmie Åkesson and leading MEP Charlie Weimers said in February in a press op ed that “Sweden is prepared to leave as a last resort”.

Once in favour of a “Swexit”, the party, which props up the government of Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson, in 2019 abandoned the idea of leaving the EU due to a lack of public support.

In November 2023 thousands of far-right supporters in the Polish capital Warsaw called for a “Polexit”.

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