SHARE
COPY LINK

POLITICS

Hesse follows Bavaria into crucial state election

A week from now on Sunday, October 28th, voters in Hesse will decide whether the Christian Democrats (CDU)-Green coalition state government should stay in power. But it’s about much more than that. Elections in Hesse rarely receive such attention on a national level.

Hesse follows Bavaria into crucial state election
Campaign billboards for the CDU and SPD. Photo: DPA

The last state election of the year is about more than just power dynamics in Hesse. The roughly 4.4 million eligible voters in Hesse will also influence the fate of the federal coalition. The incessant debate in Berlin has clearly left its mark, even on the elections in Hesse.

The ballot on October 28th further threatens the Christian Democratic Union and the Social Democrats following the Bavarian state elections, in which both parties lost out. The mainstream parties have performed badly in the polls in Hesse. Depending on how great the losses are, both party leaderships could face serious difficulties.

SEE ALSO: The winners and losers: 7 things you need to know about the Bavaria election

In the most recent poll on voter preference, the CDU snagged 26 percent, the Greens at 22, the SPD at 20, and the AfD at 12, reported DPA on Thursday.

The CDU and Greens: is another coalition possible?

New debates about Chancellor and CDU leader Angela Merkel and SPD leader Andrea Nahles could follow – after the Bavarian elections, they were largely swept under the carpet.

The black-green state government in Hesse – an alliance of the CDU and the Greens – has flourished in the last five years from an experiment to a stable alliance. This was the first so-called green-black coalition in a German state.

Both parties would happily continue together. Poll results, however, do not currently show that this will be the case, although the Greens seem to be popular. If possible, the FDP will have to be hauled on-board; the Liberals in Hesse appear to be open to a so-called Jamaica Alliance of the Greens (green), FDP (yellow) and CDU (black).

The CDU in Hesse has slumped in the most recent polls – a possible consequence of the weeks-long quarrels in the government. The Christian Democrats are currently polling at 29 percent, which is almost ten percentage points behind the results of the 2013 state elections, in which they won 38.3 percent. Many, including some inside the party, are holding Chancellor Merkel and the tensions in the federal grand coalition at least partly responsible for the losses.

Hesse’s Minister President Volker Bouffier, however, has implied the closeness of his relationship with the party leader. “I talk to the Chancellor almost every day,” the CDU vice assured recently about the struggles over the diesel compromise. This loyalty could be taken badly by voters who are critical of Merkel.”

But it’s unthinkable that Hesse’s head of government will change his course. He will be bearing in mind how the CDU lead candidate in Rhineland-Palatinate, Julia Klöckner, produced a plan “A2” shortly before the state elections in 2016, to distance herself from Merkel’s controversial refugee policies: a manoeuvre which possibly cost her victory.

A loss of power for the CDU in Hesse would, however, also seriously affect Merkel. She will stand for re-election as party leader at a party congress at the start of December. But the idea that she might reconsider, should Bouffier not be able to defend the state chancellery, is not being cast aside by the CDU.

Does the SPD stand a chance?

According to the most recent polls, the SPD in Hesse is, at 23 percent, indeed performing better than in the federal government (where they would receive around 15 percent), but is still significantly behind the CDU.

For party leader and lead candidate Thorsten Schäfer-Gümbel, a lot is at stake: the SPD vice is trying, for the third time, to become Minister President. Will the 49-year-old become opposition leader again in another failure? That’s hard to imagine.

Schäfer-Gümbel is not completely discounting a ministerial office in a grand coalition with Bouffier, in spite of personal tensions. Is an alliance between the SPD and CDU in Hesse is acceptable both to the parties and publicly? In light of the disunited grand coalition in Berlin and the public’s sinking trust in the large parties, it seems more than open.

If the hessian SPD loses out significantly in comparison the 2013 ballot, at which they won 30.7 percent, it would be another hard hit for party leader Nahles, following the disastrous elections in Bavaria, where they won only 9.7 percent.

Where does the AfD come into play?

In the shadow of the Bavarian election, it hasn’t been easy for voters between Kassel and Darmstadt to highlight local topics. Federal governmental policies are currently too dominant, as is the question of how to deal with the Alternative for Germany (AfD). According to polls, more than ten representatives for the right-wing populists are expected to enter the state government – they will then be present in all parliaments on federal and local levels.

Prior to the election, the parties dealt with the AfD – which was founded in 2013 in Bad Nauheim in Hesse as a Euro-skeptic party – very differently. In some ways, the AfD was mostly kept quiet. More recently, the tone has become sharper. Bouffier named the party as a “way into extremism”.

The AfD in Hesse subsides as middle-class-conservative; its representatives, however, are increasingly clearly expressing their stance on the migrant question in the end phase of the election campaign. The right-wing populists have identified the Greens on a state level, and Merkel on a governmental level, as their main opponents.

 

Member comments

Log in here to leave a comment.
Become a Member to leave a comment.

POLITICS

German politicians flock to TikTok after far-right success on the platform

Spooked by the far right's success in reaching youth voters via TikTok, Germany's political heavyweights are trying to muscle their way onto the social media platform ahead of June's European elections.

German politicians flock to TikTok after far-right success on the platform

Chancellor Olaf Scholz, hardly famous for his sparky social media presence, made his unexpected debut on the platform in April, promising he won’t be caught dancing.

And vice-chancellor Robert Habeck followed soon afterwards, despite having previously quit Twitter and Facebook after his comments online sparked social media storms.

The timing of the German leaders’ moves to join TikTok appeared to fly in the face of growing concerns in the West over the video-sharing network.

Launched in 2016 by Chinese company ByteDance, TikTok has been threatened with a ban in the United States over concerns about espionage, while the EU is investigating whether its spinoff Lite app poses a risk to young users’ mental health.

But the network’s reach among young people has even led US President Joe Biden to tap it for his election campaign.

In Germany, the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) has been by far the most successful political party on TikTok, originally known for its dance videos and challenges.

Ulrich Siegmund, a member of parliament for the AfD in Germany’s Saxony-Anhalt state, said his party’s engagement on the network has helped “many, many people to open their eyes”.

READ ALSO: A fight for the youth vote: Are German politicians social media savvy enough?

‘We get influenced’

“TikTok gives me the chance to freely communicate our ideas… but also proven facts, and get them into the homes of our country,” Siegmund, who has been crowned the party’s “poster boy” on TikTok by German media, told AFP.

The 34-year-old has often used TikTok to protest against taxpayers’ money being spent on foreigners, especially Ukrainians.

Maximilian Krah, the German far-right MEP caught up in a recent scandal over his alleged links with China and Russia, is also a prominent figure on the network.

Surveys suggest the party’s TikTok drive has coincided with a boom in its popularity among young people.

According to a major poll published in April, the AfD is now the favourite party among young people aged 14 to 29, with a projected 22 percent of the vote – double its score just a year ago.

Founded in 2013, the AfD was “the first to use the platform systematically and strategically”, said political consultant Johannes Hillje, who has written two books on the party’s communications strategy.

The AfD has succeeded in speaking “directly to young people, in a personal way, with emotional messages”, Hillje told AFP.

A man films with a smartphone in front a placard of German far-right Alternative for Germany AfD party with the lettering 'Freedom Party' during a campaign event for the upcoming European Parliament elections, and ahead of Saxony's municipal and state elections, in Dresden, eastern Germany on May 1, 2024.

A man films with a smartphone in front a placard of German far-right Alternative for Germany AfD party with the lettering ‘Freedom Party’ during a campaign event for the upcoming European Parliament elections in Dresden, eastern Germany on May 1st, 2024. Photo by JENS SCHLUETER / AFP

“They simply know how to polarise,” said Madeleine Groebe, 17, an activist with SOE Gegen Rechts, an association of young people against the far right.

“We spend a lot of time on social networks and we get influenced,” she said.

‘Cringe risk’

Germany has nearly 20 million TikTok users, according to official statistics, with almost 60 percent of internet users aged between 12 and 19 regularly browsing the network.

Many of them will be able to vote in the EU elections in June, as the voting age has been lowered to 16 in Germany.

Habeck said he was joining TikTok because he wanted to meet young people “where they are”.

In France, Jordan Bardella, the 28-year-old leader of the far-right National Rally, is already a star on the network — as is far-right Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni with over a million followers.

Hungary’s far-right leader Viktor Orban, 60, has been on TikTok since July 2023, but has struggled to make an impact.

The challenge for newcomers to TikTok will be to find the right tone, preferably without simply copying the far right or leaving themselves open to ridicule.

“The cringe risk is high,” said Hillje, and Scholz’s first video – in which he pays tribute to his trusty briefcase – is hardly very promising.

German politicians are more used to addressing the over-50s, who make up more than half of the electorate.

But they must come to grips with TikTok, Hillje said – otherwise “the TikTok generation risks becoming the AfD generation”.

By Isabelle LE PAGE

SHOW COMMENTS