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POLITICS

Old traumas boost far-right support in Germany’s industrial east

In the relatively well-off city of Zwickau, in Germany's former communist east, economic uncertainty and a turbulent history have combined to drive support for the far-right ahead of a key regional election.

People sit around a fountain near the town hall of Zwickau, eastern Germany, on August 20, 2024, ahead of the state election in Saxony.
People sit around a fountain near the town hall of Zwickau, eastern Germany, on August 20, 2024, ahead of the state election in Saxony. Photo by JENS SCHLUETER / AFP

“People are afraid of losing everything they’ve built up again over the years,” said Zwickau’s mayor, Constance Arndt.

To understand why “the mood is so bad” ahead of Sunday’s elections in the state of Saxony, one has to “perhaps delve into the past”, she told AFP.

Zwickau residents have “achieved a certain level of prosperity” after a period of painful decline in the wake of German reunification in 1990, she said.

The city owes its revival in part to its status as a hub for automotive manufacturing, with Volkswagen a major employer in the area.

But recent crises, from the coronavirus pandemic to the Ukraine war and high inflation, have triggered a renewed “fear of losing”, said Arndt, 47, from her office overlooking a picturesque market square.

A photo taken on August 20, 2024 shows the memorial to German composer and pianist Robert Schumann (1810-1856) near the town hall of Zwickau, eastern Germany, ahead of the state election in Saxony.

The memorial to German composer and pianist Robert Schumann (1810-1856) near the town hall of Zwickau, eastern Germany, ahead of the state election in Saxony. Photo by JENS SCHLUETER / AFP

As a result, some are voting for the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party “out of protest”, the independent mayor in the city of some 90,000 people added.

At the start of the year, thousands of people in Zwickau nevertheless rallied against the far right following revelations that some members of the anti-Islam, anti-immigrant AfD had joined a meeting that discussed plans for mass deportations of asylum seekers.

The rallies, which also took place across Germany, were at the time seen as a rare mobilisation of the so-called silent majority against right-wing extremism.

But it didn’t last long.

In early June, the AfD won a municipal election to become the largest group on Zwickau’s district council.

Although the AfD fell short of a majority, council discussions are expected to become more challenging, the mayor predicted, particularly regarding cultural funding.

READ ALSO: Why support for the far-right AfD is set to surge in eastern Germany 

‘Swastikas’

On a sweltering day in August, social worker Jörg Banitz pointed out several swastika tags and inscriptions of “NS-Zone”, a reference to the Nazi era, daubed onto walls outside the city centre.

“We see that a lot,” said the Zwickau native, who was one of the organisers of the demonstrations against the far right early this year.

Banitz believes the AfD’s rise is fuelled by more than just protest votes.

The party’s “radical language, its way of thinking” now has “an acceptance” among the public, he said, helped by the fact that conservatives from the centre-right CDU party in Saxony have adopted some of their populist stances.

“I think most of the people who vote for the AfD want exactly what the programme says,” he added.

The AfD has found fertile ground in a city with an active right-wing extremist scene, Banitz said. It was in Zwickau that the three members of the NSU neo-Nazi cell, who murdered nine people of immigrant origin between 2000 and 2007, hid from the police for years.

A sticker of German far-right and neo-Nazi political party The Third Way (Der III. Weg) with the lettering 'Stop the flood of asylum seekers' is seen on a lamp post in Zwickau, Saxony, eastern Germany, on August 14, 2024.

A sticker of German far-right and neo-Nazi political party The Third Way (Der III. Weg) with the lettering ‘Stop the flood of asylum seekers’ is seen on a lamp post in Zwickau, Saxony, eastern Germany, on August 14, 2024. Photo by Raphaelle LOGEROT / AFP

Wolfgang Wetzel, a Zwickau city councillor from the Green party, said many locals felt overwhelmed in an increasingly complex world.

And in a region that has lived through two consecutive authoritarian regimes, Nazism and then communist East Germany, there is a resurgence of “nostalgia for the simplicity of dictatorship, where you don’t have to make decisions,” which benefits the far right, Wetzel said.

‘Uncertainty’

But the AfD rejects those interpretations.

“I think people simply don’t want to be deceived anymore,” said Jonas Duenzel, a candidate for the AfD in the Saxony election, where polls suggest the party is neck-and-neck with the CDU.

The 30-year-old former insurance salesman took aim at the conservatives who he said had co-opted AfD calls for tougher border controls and asylum policies, but done nothing to make that happen during their five years in power.

READ ALSO: How similar are Germany’s AfD and BSW parties?

If people vote for the AfD, “it’s not because they’re turning away from democracy”, as Saxony prime minister Michael Kretschmer from the CDU has claimed, but because “they have a problem with Mr Kretschmer”, he said.

The increased populist sentiment has worried Volkswagen, which produces all-electric vehicles at a large plant in Zwickau. The AfD regularly rails against the push towards zero-emissions driving, dismissing it as “a fairy tale”.

“The discussions about the future of electric mobility create uncertainty” for the roughly 10,000 workers at the Zwickau plant, said Christian Sommer, VW’s head of corporate communications in Saxony.

“And there is indeed a fear,” he told AFP, “that these jobs could be threatened if a right-wing populist-conservative government were to emerge from the elections.”

By Isabelle LE PAGE

Member comments

  1. The term Swastika is a misnomer. Please refer to as the Hakenkreuz or the ‘Hooked Cross’. Swastika is a holy symbol for the Hindus and it represents prosperity and progress.

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POLITICS

Far-left rebel seeking peace with Putin rocks German politics

A radical far-left politician who wants to make peace with Russia's Vladimir Putin looks set to play a key role in regional elections in the former East Germany on Sunday.

Far-left rebel seeking peace with Putin rocks German politics

Wagenknecht has caused a stir in Germany by calling for negotiations with Putin, an end to the government’s support for Ukraine and a radical crackdown on immigration.

But BSW won an impressive 6.2 percent in June’s European Union elections and looks set to pick up between 15 and 20 percent of the vote on Sunday in Saxony and Thuringia.

At a rally in her hometown of Jena, Wagenknecht spoke passionately about her upbringing in East Germany and “the fear that nuclear bombs could fall here in Europe”.

“Now the fear is back,” she said.

READ ALSO: Why is a German populist left leader launching a new political party?

BSW wants to stop weapons deliveries to Ukraine and rejects plans to allow the United States to periodically station long-range missiles in Germany.

Wagenknecht also called for tougher immigration laws, days after a Syrian man allegedly stabbed three people to death in the western city of Solingen.

BSW wants to “reverse” the current government’s immigration policy, she said.

“We cannot welcome the whole world in Germany.”

‘Kingmaker’

Opinion polls for Sunday’s elections have the far-right AfD as the biggest party in Thuringia on around 30 percent, while in Saxony it is running neck-and-neck for first place with the conservative CDU.

The AfD is also leading the polls in a third former East German state, Brandenburg, set to hold an election later in September.

READ ALSO: Why support for the far-right AfD is set to surge in eastern Germany 

However, the AfD is unlikely to come to power in any of these states, even if it wins, as other parties have ruled out collaborating with it to form a majority.

This could leave the mainstream parties scrambling to form ruling coalitions — and Wagenknecht’s party could end up being the kingmaker.

Leader of left-wing populist Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) Sahra Wagenknecht waves as she arrive for an election campaign rally in Saxony, on August 20, 2024 in Zwickau, eastern Germany, ahead of the state election in Saxony being held on September 1, 2024.

Leader of left-wing populist Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) Sahra Wagenknecht waves as she arrive for an election campaign rally in Saxony, on August 20, 2024 in Zwickau, eastern Germany, ahead of the state election in Saxony being held on September 1, 2024. Photo by JENS SCHLUETER / AFP

Speaking to AFP, Wagenknecht said the upcoming elections would be “very important” for her party.

“If we make our entrance into each of these regional parliaments with a score in double figures, we will no longer be seen as just a media phenomenon but as a party destined to change our country’s politics,” she said.

Indeed, the “interesting question” about the regional elections will be “how strong the Sahra Wagenknecht alliance will be in the end”, said Marianne Kneuer, a professor of politics at the Dresden University of Technology (TU Dresden).

“It is possible that BSW could become an important factor in forming a coalition in Brandenburg, Thuringia and Saxony,” said Kneuer, predicting that the new party could also enter the national parliament for the first time next year.

‘Completely absurd’

Wagenknecht told AFP she accepted that “Putin started a war contrary to international law” but said the “West has its share of responsibility”.

“We could have avoided this conflict if we had taken Russia’s security concerns seriously,” she said.

She rejected allegations of pro-Russian false information being spread by some members of her party, saying it was “shameful to accuse us of that”.

“We are accused of being the voice of Moscow or of representing Russian positions because we are in favour of peace negotiations, which is completely absurd,” she said.

On immigration, Wagenknecht pointed to Denmark’s restrictive policy as an example Germany could follow.

“They have drastically reduced their numbers by signalling to the whole world that there is no hope of staying there if your asylum application is rejected,” she said.

Some have pointed out that BSW’s positions on Ukraine and immigration are broadly similar to those of the AfD, but Wagenknecht has ruled out any kind of collaboration with the far right.

READ ALSO: How similar are Germany’s AfD and BSW parties?

“The AfD has a very radical right-wing faction, especially in the east,” she said. Her party cannot “go into coalition with people who have an ethnic nationalist ideology”.

At the rally in Jena, 83-year-old retired nurse Margit Hoffmann said “the most important thing for me is peace”.

“German public funds should go on other things, not weapons deliveries,” Hoffmann said as she leaned on her walking frame.

By Léa PERNELLE with Céline LE PRIOUX in Berlin

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