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ELECTION

Explained: What was France’s Fourth Republic and why it’s in the news again

With projections for a deadlocked parliament after the second round of voting and widespread predictions of political chaos, many French commentators are starting to make comparisons with France's Fourth Republic - for those of us who didn't grow up in France, here's what that means.

Explained: What was France's Fourth Republic and why it's in the news again
The Assemblée National (Palais Bourbon), the lower house of the French Parliament, illuminated at dusk. Photo by Ludovic MARIN / AFP

Le spectre de la IVe République plane-t-il sur Macron ? – Is the spectre of the Fourth Republic hanging over Macron?

If you’re following French press coverage of the chaotic political situation in France right now, you might be coming across more and more sentences like this.

But while the Fourth Republic is a standard part of the French history syllabus, it doesn’t make it into many lesson plans outside France.

Here’s a look at what the Fourth Republic was, and why it might be relevant to the modern political crisis.

When 

The 4th republic ran from 1946 to 1958. French history is divided into the ancien regième (pre French Revolution) and the post-Revolution period which is divided into a series of republics, interspersed with a few non-republic periods such as when Napoleon got carried away and declared himself emperor.

You can find a fuller history here, but in brief the republics go; 

  • 1792-1804 – first republic. Runs from the abolition of the monarchy during the French Revolution until Napoleon declared himself emperor
  • 1848-1852 – second republic. Ended when Napoleon’s nephew Louis Napoleon (Napoleon III) overthrew the government and declared a second French empire with himself at the head
  • 1870-1940 – third republic. Ended with the Nazi invasion of France in 1940 when the republic was suspended and the period of the occupation and Vichy government began.
  • 1946-1958 – fourth republic. This one ended with a threatened military coup over Algerian independence, a panicked government brought WWII resistance leader Charles de Gaulle back into government and passed a new constitution.
  • 1958-present day – fifth republic. 

Each republic has its own constitution with significant differences in aspects such as how the political system works and the powers of the president versus the government.

What was going on?

The Fourth Republic covered a turbulent period in French politics – in 1946 the country was emerging from one of the most traumatic periods in its history; the Nazi occupation of World War II.

Nearly bankrupt, the country was also dealing with the national shame of the occupation and the collapse of the democratic government in 1940 (replaced by the un-elected collaborationist Vichy regime). 

The Fourth Republic ended in turmoil (as have all French republics so far, in fact) during the exceptionally brutal war of independence in Algeria.

Sensing that the government in Paris was paving the way for Algeria to be given independence from France, French soldiers in Algeria launched a military coup in opposition to this – the military also seized power in Corsica.

The national government panicked, fearing that insurrection could spread to France itself and other colonies.

Charles de Gaulle – who made his name as a figurehead of the French resistance during WWII and as the country’s first post-war leader – was called out of retirement to unite the country, restore order and avoid what some feared would become a civil war.

But what about the politics?

The Fourth Republic wasn’t just a turbulent period in history – it was also an extremely unstable period for governments.

Over its 12-year duration, there were a total of 24 governments. 

Governments rose and fell with dizzying regularity – a man named Pierre Pflimlin was prime minister for a grand total of 18 days in 1958, and he wasn’t even the shortest-serving PM of the fourth republic.

Parliament was also frequently deadlocked, coalitions and alliances were made and broken rapidly and prime ministers came and went as through a revolving door – the shortest serving PM was Robert Schuman who served just nine days, but that was his second shot at the job.

Henri Queuille was prime minister three times, in 1948, 1950 and 1951 and his first period in the job was the longest premiership of the Fourth Republic, lasting a whopping one year and 47 days.

It was a reaction to this political chaos that strongly influenced the constitution of the Fifth Republic – set up with Charles de Gaulle at the head in 1958.

De Gaulle insisted that the president was given widespread powers, at the expense of parliament, in order to curb what he saw at the excess of parliamentary powers that contributed to the turmoil of the Fourth Republic.

It’s why the French president to this day has constitutional powers to over-rule parliament, for example through the tool known as Article 49.3 which allows a president to force through legislation even if parliament opposes it.

The Fifth Republic also set up the president as the dominant political power in France – previously that had been the prime minister, with the president having more of a ceremonial role.

Its sheer instability means that these days the Fourth Republic is little lamented – those who call for a complete change of the system of government and the creation of a Sixth Republic tend to skip over the fourth altogether and use as a model the Third Republic.

But this is ancient history, why are we talking about it now?

The Fourth Republic is back in the news because it looks like France may be facing a new period of chaos in parliament.

The snap parliamentary elections called by president Emmanuel Macron were intended to restore a sense of consensus, but look like they are backfiring and instead creating a more turbulent situation.

Current polls suggest that the far-right Rassemblement National will be the biggest party, but it’s not certain whether they will win enough seats in parliament to gain an absolute majority.

If the party wins a majority the most likely outcome is that Macron will be forced to appoint far-right leader Jordan Bardella as prime minister and rule jointly with him in a very uneasy cohabitation.

If the far-right become the biggest party but don’t get a majority the most likely result is chaos – with attempts to build fragile alliances or coalitions between parties.

The “spectre of the Fourth Republic” is therefore the spectre of chaos and deadlock in parliament and maybe even a PM who will break Robert Schuman’s unenviable record of just nine days in office.

OPINION: The best that France can hope for now is 12 months of chaos

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POLITICS

Racist remarks and a Nazi hat: The ‘unrepresentative’ candidates of France’s far right

Efforts by France's far right to cultivate an image of respectability before legislative elections have been hurt by a number of racist and other extremist incidents involving its candidates - whom the party leadership insist are not representative.

Racist remarks and a Nazi hat: The 'unrepresentative' candidates of France's far right

Rassemblement National heavyweights Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella say that the candidates caught making racist and anti-Semitic remarks are “brebis galeuse” – literally translating as ‘scabby sheep’ but the French equivalent of ‘bad apples’.

The RN is projected to emerge as the biggest party in the Assemblée nationale, with Bardella tipped as France’s next prime minister if it wins an absolute majority, or gets close enough.

But while the party says that xenophobic, racist and anti-Semitic attitudes in the party are a thing of the past, a string of incidents involving candidates in the second round of elections on Sunday suggest otherwise.

Ask the experts: How far to the right is France’s Rassemblement National?

On Wednesday, Bardella was confronted on live television with a sound recording of RN MP Daniel Grenon saying that anybody of French-North African double nationality “has no place in high office”.

Bardella quickly condemned the remark, calling it “abject”, and announced the creation of a “conflict committee” within the party to deal with such cases.

“Anybody who says things that are not in line with my convictions will be excluded,” he said.

Earlier Laurent Gnaedig, a parliamentary candidate for the RN, caused uproar by saying that remarks by party founder Jean-Marie Le Pen, who called Nazi gas chambers “a detail of history”, were not actually anti-Semitic.

Gnaedig later presented his “sincere apologies” and said he had never meant to question the reality of “the horror of the Holocaust”. He would accept any decision by the party’s conflict commission, he added.

In November, Bardella himself got into hot water on the same topic when he said he did “not believe that Jean-Marie Le Pen was an anti-Semite”. He later walked back the remark, saying Le Pen “obviously withdrew into a kind of anti-Semitism”.

Another candidate, Ludivine Daoudi, dropped out of the race for France’s parliament on Tuesday after a photo of her allegedly wearing a cap from Nazi Germany’s air force, the Luftwaffe, sparked furore online.

And Brittany region candidate Francoise Billaud deleted her Facebook account after she was found to have shared a picture of the grave of French Vichy collaborationist leader Philippe Pétain with the caption “Marshal of France”.

RN deputy Roger Chudeau meanwhile got into trouble with the party leadership for saying that the 2014 appointment of Moroccan-born Najat Vallaud-Belkacem as the Socialist government’s education minister had been “an error”.

Marine Le Pen has over the past years moved to make the party a mainstream force and distance it from the legacy of Jean Marie Le Pen, her father and its co-founder, in a process widely dubbed “dédiabolisation” (un-demonization).

“What really matters is how a political party reacts”, she has said, adding that the party commission’s would be “harsh” in dealing with such cases of extremism.

She added there was a distinction to be made between “inadmissible” statements for which sanctions were “highly likely”, and cases of mere “clumsiness”.

The latter category, she said, included an attempt by candidate Paule Veyre de Soras to defend her party against racism charges by saying that: “I have a Jewish ophthalmologist and a Muslim dentist”.

Le Pen said most candidates “are decent people who are in the running because the National Assembly needs to reflect France and not reflect Sciences Po or ENA”, two elite universities.

The RN has acknowledged that President Emmanuel Macron’s decision to call a snap election left little time to select candidates in the numbers needed to fill the seats it expects to win.

The far right has also noted that other parties have similar problems, citing the case of hard-left National Assembly candidate Raphael Arnault, who was found to be on a French police anti-extremist watchlist.

Arnault was suspected of terrorist sympathies and questioned after tweeting on October 7th that “the Palestinian resistance has launched an unprecedented attack on the colonialist state of Israel”.

A recent poll by Harris Interactive projected the RN and its allies would win 190 to 220 seats in the National Assembly, the leftist coalition NFP 159 to 183 seats and Macron’s Ensemble (Together) alliance 110 to 135.

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