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JOHN LICHFIELD

OPINION: The best France can hope for now is 12 months of turmoil

Only a brave or foolish person would predict the outcome of the second round of the French parliamentary elections on July 7th - writes John Lichfield. Here goes anyway.

OPINION: The best France can hope for now is 12 months of turmoil
Deadlock in parliament and unrest on the streets may now be the best case scenario for France. Photo by Dimitar DILKOFF / AFP

Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National will narrowly fail to achieve an overall majority in the National Assembly. France will be plunged into a year of confusion and immobility with a lower house of parliament dominated by two angry, mutually-detesting blocs of Far Right and Left.

President Emmanuel Macron called the early election to restore “clarity”. Instead, he has created perilous uncertainty.

He has reduced his own parliamentary camp by up to two thirds. He has shown that the great majority of the country does NOT want a Far Right government. But he has left France perilously close to rule by an anti-European, pro-Russian party which seeks to return the country to a divisive and fake vision of a contented past.

It is evident that Le Pen COULD win a majority in the second round; but I believe that she will fail and that she will also fail to attract enough centre-right quislings to install her scary de facto Number Two Jordan Bardella as Prime Minister.

READ ALSO What next as far-right leads in first round of French elections?

Here are my reasons for cautious optimism – if wishing at least 12 months of drift and turmoil on France is optimism.

Sunday’s voting numbers suggest that the country looked into the abyss of a Far Right government and drew back. Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella vastly increased their support compared to the 2022 parliamentary election. But final opinion polls which projected a combined 36 percent or 37 percent for the Far Right and their centre-right collaborator Eric Ciotti proved exaggerated.

The RN alone won just under 30 percent of the vote – bad enough but less than its score in the European elections last month. Ciotti candidates added another 3 percent. Since Eric Zemmour’s alternative far right party, Reconquete!, was all but wiped out, this is NOT quite the populist-nationalist tsunami that some feared or forecast.

The vote for one iteration or another of the anti-European, anti-migrant, pro-Moscow nationalist Right has been around 30 percent for some time. Marine Le Pen took 13,208 686 votes in Round 2 of the Presidential election in 2022. Her party took 9,337,185 votes on Sunday.

All the same, the RN looks certain to expand its parliamentary party by 200 percent from 88 to at least 250 and maybe as many as 270. The new Assembly will be packed with Putin-fanciers, climate-change-deniers, anti-Semites, Islamophobes and conspiracy-theorists. Pauvre France.

Why do I believe that the RN will fail to achieve the 289 seats it needs for an overall majority?

After the first round results, there are potentially over 300 “triangular” or three-candidate second rounds out of 577. There are even four constituencies where four candidates have qualified for round two.

This is an all-time record for the present, convoluted parliamentary election system in which the first two candidates plus anyone who takes 12.5 percent of the registered first round vote qualify for a second round run-off. The high number of three-way second rounds has two explanations: the high turn-out 66.7 percent and the relatively small number of minor candidates in a surprise election.

The mass of three-way races offers an opportunity to the Left alliance and Macron centre to combine to support single anti-Far Right candidates in Round Two.

You can listen to John discuss the first round and what will happen next in the latest episode of our Talking France podcast.

READ ALSO Will parties withdraw candidates to block the far-right in round two of French elections?

Will they? In many cases, yes. Even the Far Left La France Insoumise – ambivalent in 2022 – has called on its third place candidates to withdraw in favour of better-placed Macron candidates.

The Presidential camp is foolishly divided on this question but its position is changing all the time and may become clearer soon. Macron’s party is up for a broad deal for mutual withdrawal of Centre and Left candidates. The other centrist parties, Modem and Edouard Philippe’s Horizons are saying that they will not  withdraw for the more extreme or allegedly anti-Semitic candidates of Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s LFI.  

Could this ruin the so-called Republican Front against the Far Right next Sunday? It will weaken it, I believe, but not ruin it. The final decision, in any case, is that of individual voters, not party leaders.

There are many other variables. It will be a new election on Sunday. The turnout may be lower. Or it might be higher. A different cast of electors might turn out.

There is also the question of the non-quisling centre-right – the great majority of Les Républicains deputies who refused to betray their party’s Gaullist past and follow Eric Ciotti last month into the ample arms of Le Pen. They did pretty well on Sunday and can hope to retain around 50 of their 61 deputies.

Will some be tempted to ally with Le Pen and Bardella if they are just short of a majority? Very few, I think. They will see their battered party’s resilience as a sign that they could still recover their past glories and could yet produce a serious presidential player in 2027. That will be impossible if they ally with the Far Right.

Centre-right voters are a different question. Some will go to Le Pen, others to the Centre or even moderate Left to block the Far Right. It was shameful but not surprising to see the once moderate-conservative-Gaullist but increasingly Lepennist newspaper Le Figaro suggest to its readers that they should support the Far Right in Round Two to avoid the confusion of a blocked parliament.

Much will shift and swirl in the next week. I may prove to be foolish rather than brave. But my gut feeling is that Le Pen and Bardella will be stranded on 260 or so seats and will be unwilling or unable to form a government.

President Macron might try to carve a new ad hoc majority out of the centre-left, centre-right and centre. He will also fail. The most he can realistically hope for is for a working minority to support some kind of technocratic, caretaker government until new elections are legally possible in 12 months’ time.

Is it inevitable that Le Pen and Bardella will then claim the outright victory that I think they will be denied on Sunday? Maybe.

But let’s be optimistic. The country has looked into the abyss and recoiled once. It could well do so again.

Member comments

  1. Wow, throw an “allegedly” in there and you can falsely defame anyone, I guess:

    “allegedly anti-Semitic candidates of Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s LFI”

    I stopped reading there.

  2. A very leftist view of the situation in France. It was painful to read this biased reporting.
    Do you always write inflammatory statements? I am thinking of never subscribing again as I don’t want to pay for junk reporters.

  3. A small grain of hope in there. Thanks John for the sharp analysis. Crossing fingers you are correct.

  4. Here’s hoping Litchfield is right about the final result after Round 2. As for the comments of Harry, what do you find objectionable in Litchfield’s analysis? I hope an RN government, should there be one, will govern responsibly, however, there is no denying they have some extreme candidates.

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ELECTION

Explained: What was France’s Fourth Republic and why it’s in the news again

With projections for a deadlocked parliament after the second round of voting and widespread predictions of political chaos, many French commentators are starting to make comparisons with France's Fourth Republic - for those of us who didn't grow up in France, here's what that means.

Explained: What was France's Fourth Republic and why it's in the news again

Le spectre de la IVe République plane-t-il sur Macron ? – Is the spectre of the Fourth Republic hanging over Macron?

If you’re following French press coverage of the chaotic political situation in France right now, you might be coming across more and more sentences like this.

But while the Fourth Republic is a standard part of the French history syllabus, it doesn’t make it into many lesson plans outside France.

Here’s a look at what the Fourth Republic was, and why it might be relevant to the modern political crisis.

When 

The 4th republic ran from 1946 to 1958. French history is divided into the ancien regième (pre French Revolution) and the post-Revolution period which is divided into a series of republics, interspersed with a few non-republic periods such as when Napoleon got carried away and declared himself emperor.

You can find a fuller history here, but in brief the republics go; 

  • 1792-1804 – first republic. Runs from the abolition of the monarchy during the French Revolution until Napoleon declared himself emperor
  • 1848-1852 – second republic. Ended when Napoleon’s nephew Louis Napoleon (Napoleon III) overthrew the government and declared a second French empire with himself at the head
  • 1870-1940 – third republic. Ended with the Nazi invasion of France in 1940 when the republic was suspended and the period of the occupation and Vichy government began.
  • 1946-1958 – fourth republic. This one ended with a threatened military coup over Algerian independence, a panicked government brought WWII resistance leader Charles de Gaulle back into government and passed a new constitution.
  • 1958-present day – fifth republic. 

Each republic has its own constitution with significant differences in aspects such as how the political system works and the powers of the president versus the government.

What was going on?

The Fourth Republic covered a turbulent period in French politics – in 1946 the country was emerging from one of the most traumatic periods in its history; the Nazi occupation of World War II.

Nearly bankrupt, the country was also dealing with the national shame of the occupation and the collapse of the democratic government in 1940 (replaced by the un-elected collaborationist Vichy regime). 

The Fourth Republic ended in turmoil (as have all French republics so far, in fact) during the exceptionally brutal war of independence in Algeria.

Sensing that the government in Paris was paving the way for Algeria to be given independence from France, French soldiers in Algeria launched a military coup in opposition to this – the military also seized power in Corsica.

The national government panicked, fearing that insurrection could spread to France itself and other colonies.

Charles de Gaulle – who made his name as a figurehead of the French resistance during WWII and as the country’s first post-war leader – was called out of retirement to unite the country, restore order and avoid what some feared would become a civil war.

But what about the politics?

The Fourth Republic wasn’t just a turbulent period in history – it was also an extremely unstable period for governments.

Over its 12-year duration, there were a total of 24 governments. 

Governments rose and fell with dizzying regularity – a man named Pierre Pflimlin was prime minister for a grand total of 18 days in 1958, and he wasn’t even the shortest-serving PM of the fourth republic.

Parliament was also frequently deadlocked, coalitions and alliances were made and broken rapidly and prime ministers came and went as through a revolving door – the shortest serving PM was Robert Schuman who served just nine days, but that was his second shot at the job.

Henri Queuille was prime minister three times, in 1948, 1950 and 1951 and his first period in the job was the longest premiership of the Fourth Republic, lasting a whopping one year and 47 days.

It was a reaction to this political chaos that strongly influenced the constitution of the Fifth Republic – set up with Charles de Gaulle at the head in 1958.

De Gaulle insisted that the president was given widespread powers, at the expense of parliament, in order to curb what he saw at the excess of parliamentary powers that contributed to the turmoil of the Fourth Republic.

It’s why the French president to this day has constitutional powers to over-rule parliament, for example through the tool known as Article 49.3 which allows a president to force through legislation even if parliament opposes it.

The Fifth Republic also set up the president as the dominant political power in France – previously that had been the prime minister, with the president having more of a ceremonial role.

Its sheer instability means that these days the Fourth Republic is little lamented – those who call for a complete change of the system of government and the creation of a Sixth Republic tend to skip over the fourth altogether and use as a model the Third Republic.

But this is ancient history, why are we talking about it now?

The Fourth Republic is back in the news because it looks like France may be facing a new period of chaos in parliament.

The snap parliamentary elections called by president Emmanuel Macron were intended to restore a sense of consensus, but look like they are backfiring and instead creating a more turbulent situation.

Current polls suggest that the far-right Rassemblement National will be the biggest party, but it’s not certain whether they will win enough seats in parliament to gain an absolute majority.

If the party wins a majority the most likely outcome is that Macron will be forced to appoint far-right leader Jordan Bardella as prime minister and rule jointly with him in a very uneasy cohabitation.

If the far-right become the biggest party but don’t get a majority the most likely result is chaos – with attempts to build fragile alliances or coalitions between parties.

The “spectre of the Fourth Republic” is therefore the spectre of chaos and deadlock in parliament and maybe even a PM who will break Robert Schuman’s unenviable record of just nine days in office.

OPINION: The best that France can hope for now is 12 months of chaos

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