SHARE
COPY LINK

OPINION AND ANALYSIS

OPINION: How bureaucracy is slowly killing Germany

Germany is struggling so much under the weight of bureaucracy that it would take even more red tape to make things better, writes Jörg Luyken. Is there any hope for the beleaguered Bundesrepublik?

stack of paper
Archive photo shows a stack of paper following a Bundestag session. Photo: picture alliance / dpa | Ole Spata

In the summer of 2022, I attended a Q&A session that Olaf Scholz held with members of the public in the city of Magdeburg. Coming only a few months after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, most of the questions centred on sanctions, energy costs and Berlin’s response to the war.

But the response I found most revealing was on the dull topic of tax reform.

An audience member asked Scholz why the VAT rate on dog food is seven percent but on baby food it is 19 percent. Parts of the system “don’t seem very coherent to me,” the man said with obvious understatement.

READ ALSO: Bureaucracy and high taxes: Why Germany is becoming less attractive for business

“I don’t think you’ll find anyone who understands the list of VAT exceptions,” Scholz replied with a grin, adding that “at any rate I don’t understand it.”

“But I can tell you that all attempts to change it have ended in a massive disaster,” he continued. “If we were to lay an empty table today, we would definitely do differently. But the system is there now and I think we will have to live with it for a while yet.”

It was a fascinating answer. Essentially, Scholz admitted that there are some regulations that are so complex that no one really understands them anymore. But trying to simplify them just isn’t worth the effort.

It reminded me of a story I once heard about Cairo’s famously dysfunctional traffic system.

Legend has it that Egypt invited a group of Japanese planners to come up with a way to fix it. But the Japanese were so befuddled by what they found that they advised the Egyptians to leave things exactly as they were. The system was so confusing that any attempt to tamper with it might only make things worse.

A similar thing could be said of Germany’s regulatory system. It can be contradictory and infuriatingly slow, but open the can of worms of trying to simplify it and you will probably live to regret it.

private pension plans spain

VAT is just one more confusing piece of German bureaucracy. Photo: Mathieu Stern/Unsplash

Summer snow and other oddities of German red tape

VAT serves as a notorious example. But, wherever you look in German life, you will find egregious cases of sprawling and overlapping regulations.

A few amusing examples:

In August 2022, the town of Esslingen in Baden-Württemberg wanted to organise a summer fête to help local restaurants get back on their feet after Covid. The idea was to build temporary food huts that restaurants could rent cheaply. But planning authorities insisted the huts be built to take the weight of heavy snowfall – during a month with average temperatures of 19C. The fête went ahead, but the eventual costs were “exorbitant,” city officials said.

Last winter, the town of Tübingen acted on an appeal from the federal government to cut gas usage. They decided to switch off street lights between 1 am and 5 am, something that would cut energy costs by 10 percent. Shortly afterwards though, they had to backtrack. The measure contravened a regulation on providing light for pedestrians. In the event of an accident they could have been sued.

A landlord in Hanover recently recounted her efforts to turn an empty attic into student housing. Her planning application was first rejected by fire authorities who said that the branches of a tree were blocking an escape route. Their proposal to cut the tree back was then turned down by the city authority for green spaces, which argued that trees form “a vital part of the city scenery” and “must be protected at all costs.”

Flood of new rules

It is not as if politicians aren’t aware that over-regulation is having a stifling effect on society’s ability to function and adapt.

In its coalition agreement, Scholz’ ‘traffic light’ government committed itself to cutting bureaucracy 63 times. There is an entire section in the agreement on how they planned to cut down official paperwork.

READ ALSO: Germany unveils new plan to be more immigrant and digital friendly

But changing such a deep-seated German mentality is a different matter.

In a withering report published in November, the government’s own bureaucracy watchdog, the Normenkontrollrat, concluded that under the current government the costs of bureaucracy “have reached a level that we’ve never seen before.”

Far from cutting back paperwork, the traffic light coalition has loaded companies, administrators and citizens with a whole raft of new rules, the watchdog said. “Ever more regulations have to be observed and implemented in less and less time,” it concluded.

The frustration is being felt most acutely by local administrators, who say that they just don’t have enough staff to cope anymore.

An open letter sent to Scholz by town councils in Baden-Württemberg pleaded that “things can’t go on like this. Ever more laws and regulations, all too often containing mistakes …are simply resulting in an unmanageable flood of tasks.”

Meanwhile, Germany’s revered Mittelstand, or small and medium sized family businesses, has warned that over-regulation is the single biggest threat to their future viability. A survey among middle-sized companies last year showed that they were far more concerned about regulation than energy prices. Other surveys have shown that a majority of companies don’t understand the regulations they are expected to follow, while two thirds say they make no sense.

“Enormous bureaucratic burdens are combining with labour shortages, lengthy administrative procedures, permanently high energy prices and high taxes in a blow to the future of our business location,” warns Marie-Christine Ostermann, head of the association of family business.

READ ALSO: Why German family businesses are desperately seeking buyers

Stuck in the analogue era

For some though, the problem isn’t the regulation itself, it is the fact that there are not enough bureaucrats to deal with it all. After all, they argue, the rules are there to ensure that everyone’s concerns are accounted for.

“An unbureaucratic administration would be a nightmare,” protested economist Georg Cremer in a recent article for Die Zeit. “Sure, there can be too much of a good thing… (but) a prosperous social life is absolutely dependent on the government and administration being bound by law.”

Germany’s welfare system, Cremer points out, requires an army of bureaucrats who assess each claimant’s case based on things like the age of their children and their specific rental needs. “Undoubtedly, the welfare system is over-regulated”, he admits, but we also shouldn’t forget that any attempt to simplify it would make it less fair.

The Deutsche Institut für Wirtschaft, a left-wing economic think tank, has therefore argued that the answer to Germany’s woes is not to strip back regulation, but to employ more staff and push on with the digitisation of key services.

That sounds good in principle. But, when it comes to modernising Germany’s ossified public institutions, it is easier said than done.

A law passed in 2017 obliged local administrations to offer close to 600 of their services online by the end of 2022. A year past that deadline, just 81 of the services have been made available across the country.

The reason for the delays? Local governments are using software that is incompatible with the services developed by the federal government. Meanwhile bureaucrats often display a “grievous” lack of knowledge of how to use a computer, a recent analysis by consumer website Verivox found.

Bürgeramt

A man walks to the Bürgeramt, one of the many centres of German bureaucracy. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Martin Schutt

A German Javier Milei?

In September of last year, Scholz appeared to have finally recognised that things have gone too far.

Doing a good impression of an anarcho-capitalist then running to be president of Argentina, the chancellor gave a rousing speech to the Bundestag in which he called on the country to unite against the scourge of excessive regulation.

“Only together can we shake off the blight of bureaucracy, risk aversion and despondency that has settled over our country for years and decades,” he said. “It is paralyzing our economy and causing frustration among our people who simply want Germany to function properly.”

Two months later, Scholz announced he had reached a “historic” agreement with the federal states to speed up planning processes and to make life “palpably” easier for German citizens.

The agreement, since praised by the Normenkontrollrat as “having a lot of potential,” will mainly muzzle environmental agencies, thus allowing LNG terminals, wind turbines and motorways to be built through sensitive natural environments.

The jury is still out on whether it will simplify your everyday life.

At the start of this year more new laws came into force, including the government’s now notorious gas heating ban.

One that passed with less attention was a decision to abolish child passports. Under the old system you could take your child to your local Bürgeramt and they would give you a Kinderpass on the spot for €13.

READ ALSO: How Germany can make life easier for foreign parents

Now, all children are required to have proper documents that are valid for six years. The hitch? The passport (which costs €40 and takes six weeks to arrive) is only valid as long as your child’s face remains recognisable.

“The new system makes absolutely no sense for children under six,” the lady at the Bürgeramt told me when I applied for my newborn baby’s first passport this week. “A baby’s face changes so much that you’ll have to get a new one after a year anyway.”

This article originally appeared in The German Review, a twice weekly newsletter full of analysis and opinion on German politics and society. You can sign up to read it here.

Member comments

Log in here to leave a comment.
Become a Member to leave a comment.

OPINION AND ANALYSIS

OPINION: Even with German citizenship reform foreigners must be wary of lurch to the far-right

News of Germany's right-wing extremists meeting to discuss how to deport immigrants, even ones with German passports, spells bad news for those thinking of taking up dual citizenship, writes Brian Melican.

OPINION: Even with German citizenship reform foreigners must be wary of lurch to the far-right

It’s been two weeks now since an investigative report by the German media outlet Correctiv first revealed details of a secret meeting held by right-wing extremists in a Potsdam villa late last year to discuss, in the event of their taking power, how to deport millions of people living in Germany – foreigners, foreign-born German citizens, and indeed native Germans who don’t get with their programme.

Fascists gathered around mahogany tables with lakeside views hammering out inhumane plans? Anyone who knows anything about the 1942 Wannsee Conference will, quite rightly, feel a familiar chill running down their spine.

Important things to remember

I write ‘familiar’, because, in some ways, this kind of thing is unsurprising. Nazism was a powerful ideology into which millions of Germans bought whole-heartedly; it – and those millions – didn’t disappear overnight in May 1945. Quite to the contrary: elements of Nazism have persisted, as have those fascinated by it and those who actively espouse it.

What is more, besides the specifically German problem with hateful ideology, fascism is ever-present in other parts of the world, too, always ready to rear its head when it sees the time come. In 2016, a far-right terrorist murdered Jo Cox, a British MP then campaigning against Brexit; when Britain then voted to leave the European Union just weeks later, violent BNP supporters like Tommy Robinson took to the streets in triumph.

Later that same year, Donald Trump was elected as President of the US, bringing with him far-right activist Steve Bannon as chief strategist.

Potsdam

Pictured is the villa near Potsdam where right-wing extremists were revealed to meet in late 2023. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Jens Kalaene

The UK and US examples are illustrative because they show that, even in countries without a history of industrial mass-murder, the veneer of constitutionality is always thin. Within months of Brexit, hard-line Home Secretary Theresa May – responsible for the ‘hostile environment’ policy which led to the deportation of British nationals from the UK (a.k.a. ‘the Windrush scandal’) – had become Prime Minister. And within days of being inaugurated in January 2017, Trump had already implemented Bannon’s “Muslim ban” by executive order.

Although later declared unlawful, these policies were actually implemented – by civil servants, police officers, and border guards who were simply doing their jobs. For those of us with the potential to figure on fascists’ deportation lists – and as a London-born left-liberal journo with a big mouth, but without several generations of ‘German genes’ to my (Celtic) name, I am not a wholly unlikely target. Neither are you, if you’re a non-native German – it’s important to remember these simple facts.

Nevertheless, the openness with which deporting even those of us who have taken German nationality is being discussed remains surprising. Some Potsdam participants were people with influence. Big-name businessmen, including a major investor in high-street food chains BackWerk and Hans im Glück, were reportedly among the participants. So it isn’t just the fringe nutcases who are plotting against us. Now that this has had a couple of weeks to sink in, we immigrants need to examine our position – without succumbing to panic, but with a watchful eye for the risks we face.

READ ALSO: How worried should Germany be about the far-right AfD after mass deportation scandal?

Reasons not to panic

To start, here are some reasons not to do anything rash. Firstly, although it’s easy to conflate things now that everyone is demonstrating against the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), currently polling 20 percent-30 percent, the revelations concern an informal far-right grouping, not the party itself.

In fact, the AfD is seeking to distance itself from some functionaries who attended the meeting, primarily for tactical reasons (their involvement gives security services good cause to up surveillance), but also because a few AfD politicians do actually believe that their party is not fascist and see themselves as traditional conservatives. That they’re fatally misguided is no reason to impugn their motives, just their analytical abilities.

As it stands, these ‘moderate AfD’ people agree that deporting people with established residency – and especially German citizenship – would be unconstitutional.

Moreover, the AfD is still, despite its current polling, quite a long way from the levers of power. With an electoral, party-political, and parliamentary system broadly comparable to ours and the rise of the far-right populist Sverigedemokraterna setting in around a decade earlier than that of the AfD, Sweden is a useful guide here. And on a Swedish timetable, we could expect an unstable governing coalition formed against the AfD after the 2025 Bundestag election before, in 2029 at the latest, the CDU goes for a confidence-and-supply agreement with it in order to get back into the chancellery.

A demonstrator holds a placard with crossed-out AfD sign, referring to Germany's far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party during a demonstration against racism and far right politics in Frankfurt am Main

A demonstrator holds a placard with crossed-out AfD sign, referring to Germany’s far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party during a demonstration against racism and far right politics in Frankfurt am Main, western Germany on January 20, 2024.  (Photo by Kirill KUDRYAVTSEV / AFP)

Reasons to keep your guard up

That brings us on to reasons to be wary longer term. Many are overlooking the presence of two CDU members at the Potsdam meeting, and while the party leadership is taking a zero-tolerance approach in this specific instance, much like the British Tories or the US Republicans, the CDU is drawn to right- wing populism like a moth to a lightbulb. Chairman Friedrich Merz loves nothing more than using an evening political talk-show to indulge in a spot of dog-whistle racism and, in Bavaria, sister-party CSU has gone full maverick, in coalition with unsavoury right-wing populists as it chases an increasingly xenophobic electorate.

By the end of the year, the likelihood is that something similar will have happened in at least one eastern German state – potentially in unstable Thuringia, where the regional CDU has long been eyeing up the potential for a minority administration supported by the AfD. Then there’s Saxony, where the AfD is knocking 40 percent ahead of the autumn’s regional election, and which will probably be ungovernable without some kind of pact. Worryingly, the Thuringian and Saxon wings of the AfD are both considered by security services to be genuine, out-and-out extremists – i.e. even further right than the party at federal level.

READ ALSO: Why the far-right AfD’s victory in an east German district is so significant

Reasons to have a contingency plan

This, not the Grand Plans of Potsdam, is the clearest and most present danger to us as immigrants: a Germany in which, first at state level, then nationwide, around a third of the population votes for a party which is, in parts at least, fascist. This, in turn, draws the entire political spectrum further to the right – so expect much more than recent populist pronouncements by (supposedly left-of-centre) Chancellor Olaf Scholz about the importance of “finally starting to deport [failed asylum seekers] at scale” and the matching legislation which recently passed Bundestag. (What’s the German for “hostile environment” again…?)

At least, after some performative scapegoating of refugees, Scholz’ government has been liberal enough to finally allow dual nationality for regular non-EU immigrants looking to become German.

In a worrying sign, this is a change the CDU has already said it would reverse in government; luckily, of course, the reform means those now taking German citizenship will still have their original one as a back-up. Indeed, anyone who gave up a passport to become German in recent years would now be well advised to take steps to getting it re-issued. And people living here with assets abroad or existing claims to residency elsewhere ought to do everything possible to keep them. Just in case…

In case… Well, what? In case, for instance, in 10 years’ time, German society has turned into a distinctly hostile environment in which being foreign-born will be an additional risk factor even if you hold a German passport.

The most probable xenophobic policy (already being floated in some parts of the CDU) will be something like revoking citizenship in case of a criminal conviction. So if you’re a non-native German national, keep your options open – and your nose clean as a whistle from now on. (No crossing the road on a red light anymore!)

Because, to be frank: all the demonstrations in support of people like us are all very well and good, but what would be even better would be a country where almost a third of the population aren’t actively considering voting for a party in which barely-reconstructed Nazi Björn Höcke holds sway. If it ever comes to that, well-meaning demonstrators won’t be there to stop you getting deported.

Sure, a few police officers with principles might resign in protest (or be suspended for not carrying out orders), but there’ll be plenty more to take their place and put the handcuffs on. This isn’t a dig at overly-obedient Germans, by the way: just ask the British nationals sent ‘back’ to Jamaica after a lifetime in the UK in the 2010s.

Or indeed anyone who’s ever experienced deportation – like some of the 14,200 Holocaust survivors still alive in Germany today. Do I think we’re in for a re-run of humanity’s darkest chapter? On balance: no. But then few people in Germany in January 1924 could envision that, just 10 years later, the Nazis would have seized power on around 30 percent of the popular vote.

What would be happening by the early 1940s was, of course, simply unimaginable. Except to those who, in conspiratorial groups, were already talking about it.

SHOW COMMENTS