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JOHN LICHFIELD

OPINION: French media risks becoming a political playground for billionaires

Strange winds are blowing through the French media, writes John Lichfield. They may be a breeze compared to the hurricane which threatens to re-shape the French TV landscape in the next few months.

OPINION: French media risks becoming a political playground for billionaires
France is beginning a major review of its TV licensing. Photo by JOEL SAGET / AFP

In the space of eight years, the right-wing, devoutly Catholic billionaire Vincent Bolloré, has built a broadcast and print media empire, ranging from Canal Plus and C-News to Paris Match and the Journal du Dimanche.

He is accused of promoting a hard-right, Islamophobic, identitarian agenda, notably through the C-News TV channel whose “news” consists mainly of the recital of extreme right-wing views. (Think a French Fox News, without the balance.)

Explained: Who’s who in French newspaper, magazines and TV

Questioned last month by a parliamentary committee, Bolloré denied that he had any political intentions or ambitions. “I never intervene. I am not informed of anything,” he said.

Enter stage-centre another billionaire, Rodolphe Saadé, a Franco-Lebanese ship-owner. Last month he agreed to buy France’s most watched 24-hour TV news Channel, BFMTV and the radio station RMC.

Saadé is close to President Emmanuel Macron. He already owns the financial paper La Tribune and its new (excellent) Sunday spinoff, Tribune Dimanche, plus a couple of regional newspapers, including the Marseille newspaper, La Provence.

When he bought BFMTV, Saadé said that he intended to create a media group devoted to “pluralism, independence and ethical journalism”. Hooray for that.

Within a few days, the editor of Saadé’s Marseille newspaper, La Provence, had been suspended, pending dismissal, for publishing a front-page headline on a presidential visit to the city which was, allegedly, unflattering to Macron.

The President had made a lightning visit to coincide with a police swoop on drug dealers in a north Marseilles housing estate. The newspaper’s headline the next day read: “He (ie Macron) is gone but we’re still here.”

Pro-Macron politicians complained; the editor was suspended.

The editorial staff went on strike; the journalists at La Tribune joined in; the editor was reinstated.

Vincent Bolloré, for all his protestations of non-interference, has a record of firing journalists who fail to promote his hard right worldview. Does Rodolphe Saadé, for all his promises of pluralism, now plan to create a media empire to serve the Macronist and post-Macronist centre-ground of French politics?

Would that be more acceptable than a far-right empire? One of Macron’s handicaps as President has been the absence of a “centrist” voice in the French media. He has been bashed from the Left and bashed from the Right. No newspaper consistently defended him except the Journal du Dimanche – until it was bought by Vincent Bolloré last year and became a vacuous bill-board of hard right obsessions.

Staff at BFMTV are already worried that they will be expected to go “soft” on Macron in future or present a constantly flattering portrait of the government. That would be catastrophic for BFMTV and would be unlikely to help Macron, or his successor, very much.

In the US, the shameless right-wing bias of Fox News gradually corrupted other news channels which have become overtly pro-liberal or boisterously anti-conservative. British TV news channels, BBC and Sky have thankfully avoided that trap. Not so British national newspapers, which, like the French ones, remain mostly stuck in their ideological or tribal lanes.

France, unlike the UK, has a relatively thriving regional press, including La Provence, which avoids obvious, political bias. It is said that the first newspaper that Emmanuel Macron reads each day is Ouest-France, operating in Brittany and southern Normandy, which has a circulation of 600,000, twice that of Le Figaro or Le Monde.

In global terms, Ouest-France is an Asterix-like village which has resisted the drift to 24-hour news, fake news and no news at all. It is reported that only two out of ten French adults now regularly consume “mainstream” journalism, from newspapers to TV news channels.

And yet news organisations, both print and broadcast, remain an obsessive attraction to French billionaires. (France has 43 of them, according to the new Forbes list; the UK has four times as many.)

Little money can be made from news. Much can be lost. But information, even in the news-wary 21st century, is still power.

Stand by for an unseemly billionaires’ wrestling match in the next few months as 15 of the 30 licences for French terrestrial TV channels come up for review. The broadcast regulator Arcom says that “the game is totally open. We are starting with a blank sheet.”

In other words, Vincent Bolloré could lose his most precious media jewels, the five Canal-Plus channels, C-News and C8 (which is the lucrative home of the TV shock-jock Cyril Hanouna). Rodolphe Saadé could, in theory, lose his newly acquired BFMTV.

Also up for grabs are the slots occupied by Gulli, W9, TMC, TFX, NRJ12, LCI, and Paris Première. The changes do not take effect until next year but initial pitches for licences for new and old channels have to be made by next month.

The billionaire Xavier Niel, founder of the Free telecoms company and part-owner of Le Monde, is said to be preparing a bid for at least one slot.

There is pressure from the left and centre of politics for two Bolloré channels – C-News and C8 – to be denied new licences for repeatedly flouting the rules on balance, fairness and, in the case of C8, good taste. The National Assembly is already holding a commission of inquiry, which questioned Bolloré, Hanouna and others ineffectually last month.

Will Arcom dare to deny the hard and far right its TV voice – however ugly – two years before the next Presidential election? C-News is propaganda, not journalism but closing it down would be hazardous. It might drive more people away from traditional media into the crazier and darker corners of the internet.

Should the “centrist billionaires” – such as Saadé and Niel – answer hard-right propaganda with centrist propaganda?

I don’t think so. I’m old and old-fashioned enough to believe that mainstream, non-populist politics is best served in the long run by “independent and ethical” journalism

Member comments

  1. I protest your characterization of CNEWS as a recital hard-right, Islamophobic, identarian agenda and a French Fox News. CNEWS does not. The Arcom investigation was blatantly politically motivated. Using their logic, BFMTV, and the Guardian for that matter, proselytizing extreme hard-left views; therefore, are propaganda and not “proper” journalism either! An attempt to regulate, eliminate or censor these news outlets in favour of one point of view is undemocratic.

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JOHN LICHFIELD

OPINION: The French far-right’s ’empty vessel’ Bardella is set to win big in Europe

Here is a safe prediction - writes John Lichfield - Jordan Bardella, an empty vessel with boy-band good looks, will “win” the French section of the European elections on June 9th.

OPINION: The French far-right's 'empty vessel' Bardella is set to win big in Europe

Bardella, 28, is a university drop-out who has worked for Marine Le Pen’s Far Right Rassemblement National (RN) since he was 19. Five years ago, his list of candidates came only just ahead of President Emmanuel Macron’s centrist alliance. Next month, if opinion polls are accurate, he will take one in three of the votes cast in France and defeat Macron’s Renew list by 15 points.

Why such strong support for a superficially eloquent young man, who has refused – until now – to debate against his rivals and declined last week to take questions at a press conference?

The obvious, but inadequate, explanation is that the high polling scores for Bardella and the RN are generated by seven years of accumulated anger and disappointment with Emmanuel Macron.

European elections in France, with only one round of voting and no direct consequences for domestic policy, have become an occasion for kicking whoever happens to be in power.

That is true but not the whole truth. It would be foolish to underestimate the consequences of a 15-point victory for Bardella and the RN on June 9th. It would be equally foolish to underestimate Bardella, who is the perfect Tik-Tok politician for the early 21st century.

Jordan Bardella, Marine Le Pen’s de facto Number Two, succeeds because he manages to be everyone and no-one. He is popular because of who he is. He is also popular because of who he is not.

He is appealing because he looks like a well-scrubbed boy-next-door. He has a talent for speaking in calm, pre-cooked soundbites on 24-hour TV (and on Tik-Tok, where he has one million followers). His admirers say that he seems like an ordinary kind of guy, in other words not part of the governing elite.

He is trusted because he has not been to the usual political finishing schools. He does not speak in officialese. He is not Macron. He is not Sarkozy. He is not a Le Pen.

There is something of Boris Johnson or Donald Trump in Jordan Bardella. He does not have Johnson’s mendacious humour nor Trump’s mendacious aggressivity. But he, like them, is able to bottle and sell simplistic solutions to complex problems and point out convincingly where the complex solutions have failed.

Like Johnson and Trump, Bardella’s success depends on evasion and misrepresentation. He is not whom he seems.

He may not be a Le Pen but he is part of the family business which has dominated the Far Right of French politics for 40 years. His romantic partner is Nolwenn Olivier, Jean-Marie Le Pen’s grand-daughter and Marine’s niece.

He is not a “trained politician”. But he has been a professional politician since he was 19. He has never had another job (unlike Marine Le Pen, Sarkozy or Macron).

He is seen as a moderate and modern alternative to the Le Pen dynasty but his past positions suggest that he is a more sincere racist than Marine. In 2021, he posted statements on social media defending the ultra-right splinter group Génération Identitaire when it was banned for inciting racial hatred and violence.

Bardella, like the Le Pens, father and daughter, makes immigration the mother of all evils, but three of his grandparents were Italian and one of his great-grandfathers was Algerian.

In the last few days, there have been signs of the beginning of a French media revolt against Bardella’s impostures – and yet no sign of a dip in his opinion poll scores.

Last Thursday, he called a press conference to unveil the Rassemblement National “programme” for reforming the European Union. He stumbled through a 20-minute presentation, sounding as if he was reading the text for the first time. He then refused to take any questions.

If you read the programme on the RN campaign site, it is easy to see why Bardella was reluctant to defend it. The RN has, in theory, abandoned its vote-losing proposals to leave the EU and the European single currency. This is another imposture. The RN wants to stay in the EU but not THIS EU.

The programme calls for the replacement of the law-based Union by “freely agreed cooperations between member states, according to their interests and comparative advantages”. There is no mention of the Euro.

That is a project that Nigel Farage could defend, masquerading as EU reform. It relies on the widespread ignorance of French voters about how the EU works. The single market would be “maintained” but destroyed by allowing national preference (ie protectionism). EU supranational powers would end but Frontex, the common EU border protection force, would somehow become more powerful.

Bardella will be confronted by these contradictions when he faces Macron’s lead candidate, Valérie Heyer, in a one-on-one debate on BFMTV on Thursday night. Alarmed by the robust RN lead in the opinion polls, the Macron camp has also decided to reverse its refusal to accept a debate between Bardella and the 35-year-old Prime Minister, Gabriel Attal.

Will this mark the end of Bardella’s period of grace? I doubt it. He shares the populist force-shield once enjoyed by Boris Johnson and still possessed by Donald Trump. As a champion of anti-elitism, anti-politics and anti-Macronism, he is immune to the usual penalties for incompetence or mendacity.

The debate with Attal, if it happens, will be fascinating: a confrontation between two young men who have rocketed to the forefront of French politics. One is a not-quite-classic product of the system; the other is the plausible, pretty face of the anti-system.

In theory, Attal should eat Bardella alive, as Macron destroyed Marine Le Pen in the presidential debates of 2017 and 2022. In practise, Bardella might gain more than he loses from being placed on the same level as the Prime Minister.

Bardella will top the voting on June 9th. The only question is by how many points?

The “Marinist” RN tends to poll better than its eventual election scores. The present 15-point gap at the top may narrow a little. On the other hand, the Macron list may falter and fall – calamitously for the President – to third place behind the centre-left candidate, Raphael Glucksmann .

Either way, this “European” election could have dramatic consequences for national politics. A defeat for Macron and Attal by 10 points or more means, I believe, a national, parliamentary election before the year’s end.

Could Le Pen and Bardella win that election? Probably not. Bardella would be campaigning to be Prime Minister because Marine Le Pen is unlikely to want that poisoned job. He would be held to a much higher standard than “plausible boy-next-door”.

The likely result would be an even more splintered National Assembly, followed by two years of muddle/chaos and an agonisingly close Presidential election in 2027.

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