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IMMIGRATION

‘You can’t have a thin skin’: Swedish Migration Agency chief gives farewell interview

Mikael Ribbenvik, chief of the Swedish Migration Agency, steps down in May after a 24-year career that saw him lead the response to the 2015 refugee crisis and, as Director General, adapt the agency to a stricter migration policy. The Local spoke to him for our Sweden in Focus podcast.

'You can't have a thin skin': Swedish Migration Agency chief gives farewell interview
Migration Agency Director General Mikael Ribbenvik poses outside the main offices of the Migration Agency in Stockholm in March 2022. Photo: Stina Stjernkvist/SvD/TT

The biggest challenge of Ribbenvik’s career did not come in his six years as Director General, but before that, when he was Director of Operations in 2015, the year when 163,000 asylum seekers crossed the border into Sweden.

“It was well over 130,000 in just a few months – 2,000 per day and I was in charge of all that,” he told The Local’s team. “It was the biggest challenge for the agency, ever.”

What made the situation even more challenging was that Sweden had the year before already had to deal with a near-record number of asylum seekers. 

“What everybody forgets is the refugee crisis of 2014. Do you remember that one? Nobody remembers that. So we were at well over 80,000 in 2014, which was equal to the highest year of the Balkan crisis. The system was full and there’s no blueprint for a thing like that, and in the first months we were quite alone. It was ‘that’s your task, go deal with it’.” 

Ribbenvik gave the order to rent Malmömässan, the giant conference centre in Hyllie, the first train station in Sweden for arrivals from Denmark. 

Refugees arriving in Hyllie, southern Sweden, in 2015. Photo: Johan Nilsson/TT

“I remember I said, ‘we need a big thing in Malmö. What’s the biggest building in southern Sweden?’ And that was the Malmö convention centre. And I said, ‘get that’. ‘But they have a garden show’. ‘Well, we’re going to pay better’.” 

As soon as the centre was in the agency’s hands, it was immediately filled with row after row of asylum seekers. 

“Suddenly, we had this huge hall filled with people, and that was essentially a waiting area to get people up north. One night, we had 26 buses rolling at the same time up north, and everything [up there] was full. So for two of the buses, the directive to the bus driver was ‘drive north and drive slowly’.”

“Sweden is a very long country, which meant that we had many hours to fix the next bus, so we were down to hour-by-hour at the end.” 

Refugees board a bus outside Malmömässan in Hyllie in December 2015. Photo: Drago Prvulovic/TT

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Given the upheaval caused by the 2015 crisis and the challenges Sweden has faced as a result, Ribbenvik is “not surprised at all” by the migration backlash of the last few years, which has seen the new government and its far-right support party, the Sweden Democrats, promising to drive through a “paradigm shift” on migration. 

“This is not a political statement. This is just from experience. But if something gets out of hand, if you can’t control it, the response is often that the pendulum swings the other way, and that’s exactly what’s happened in Sweden,” he said.

“That’s why it’s so important from my perspective to have well-managed migration. Because if is perceived to have gotten out of control, there will be a massive backlash, and we’ve seen that many times in different European countries.”

For most of his tenure as Director General, Ribbenvik has primarily been attacked from the left for his agency’s rejection of vulnerable people fleeing war, persecution and economic hardship, which is why he claims to have been tickled by being described as an “asylum activist” by the Sweden Democrat politician Björn Söder. 

“Everybody that knows me or knows of me thinks that is quite an absurd accusation,” he said. “The criticism against the Migration Agency throughout the years has always been that we are too harsh, that we are too square and that we just we just think about the law, not about people – which is true, because the purpose of an agency is to follow the law. So to have that at the last minute was quite amusing actually.” 

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Sweden’s government has not yet announced who it wants to succeed Ribbenvik, and he made sure to emphasise that he did not want to be seen as giving advice to his successor, as that would be to break with the tradition for Swedish agencies. 

There was one quality, though, he said he believed was essential to anyone in the position. 

“You can’t have a thin skin,” he said. “I’m quite a thin-skinned person privately, but in work, you can’t be, because it will eat you up. No matter who you are, you will always be criticised and you will be criticised from all different angles.

“Some jobs are easy, because you get massive criticism, but only from one direction,” he continued. “Here it comes from all directions. It’s up, down, left, right – all angles.” 

Foreigners in Sweden, for instance, frequently have a negative view of the Migration Agency, with readers of The Local often criticising the agency for long delays for residency and citizenship decisions, or decisions that are overly legalistic or incomprehensible. 

Ribbenvik, however, is proud of the agency in which he has risen from a case officer to becoming Director of Legal Affairs in 2008, Director of Operations and then, in 2017, Director General. 

“We are really good at what we do, contrary to popular perception,” he said. “Without a doubt, we’re, if not the best, then one of the best migration agencies in Europe, and everybody thinks that as soon as you step outside of Sweden.” 

“We have well-functioning systems, we abide by the law, and we uphold all the criteria we’re supposed to, and there are some of our colleagues that don’t,” he explained.  

The stories in the media about asylum seekers finally being deported after waiting nine years for a decision are always gross simplifications, he claimed. 

“That is always, without exception, false,” he said. “That means, OK, the person has been here for nine years, but they got their decision nine years ago, then there was an appeal, and then there was another appeal, then there’s the statute of limitation, then there was a new application, then they absconded for a while, then they came back. And, you know, there’s 14 decisions in a case like that. So that is not handling time. That is something else.” 

It was a similar story, he claimed, when it came to complaints of long waits for work permits and work permit renewals. 

“The problem with narrative is that you find a case and then you describe the system from that one case,” he said.

“So by regulation, we should have four months [to process a work permit] and our average time is four and a half. So we’re late, we should be under four months,” he continued. “And in the certification process, we try to keep to 10 days, but we can’t do that. I think we’re at over 30 days. But still, it’s days…not months or years.” 

As for the criticism the agency received this year from Sweden’s parliamentary watchdog, Ribbenvik noted that the ombudsman’s letter of criticism had also been directed to the Justice Ministry.

“Clearly, he feels we’re underfunded and, I mean, I’ve been here 24 years, and I have not seen one year where any government has said ‘well, we’ll give you what you want, because it’s really important that you keep to the [case handling] times, so we’re prioritising.” 

Refugees from Ukraine queue outside Migrationsverket in Jägersro in Malmö in March 2022. Photo: Johan Nilsson/TT

Last year, the agency received 104,000 applications for first time work permits, extensions, and accompanying family members, a rate he described as “astounding”, and he said that even though the Ukraine crisis had not turned out to be as big a challenge as initially feared, it had also absorbed a lot of resources. 

He said that he hoped that the new minimum salary threshold for work permits, which will come into force in October, would reduce the number of work permit applications, meaning those for high skilled labour can be processed more quickly.

“A rejection will be easier, because if you don’t reach the threshold, then we don’t have to do anything as it’s too low. I don’t imagine you will have that kind of applications. They won’t apply,” he said. 

He said that if the salary threshold went as high as the median salary it would remove about a third of applications. 

As reported earlier, he also said he hoped to announce a new, more efficient system for high-skilled labour, before he departs at the end of May. 

Looking back to the 2015 crisis, Ribbenvik rejected the language used to describe Sweden ‘taking in’ 163,000 refugees, or ‘opening its borders’.

“The only people Sweden actively brings here are the quota [refugees]. The rest, they just show up,” he said. “If you go back to 2015, Europe was still open. We were all Schengen citizens. That’s why it’s also wrong when people say that in 2015, ‘we opened our borders’. We did that a long time ago. Actually, the border between Sweden and Denmark was opened in 1954.” 

When refugees started arriving in Sweden after Russia’s invasion at the end of February last year, initially the numbers were bigger than in the heaviest weeks of 2015. 

“It just went, boom, and everybody was coming at the same time. So we had higher numbers than we ever had in 2015,” he remembers. 

Then the European Union triggered the Temporary Protection Directive, which meant that the agency did not have to carry out a full asylum process with Ukrainians coming to the country, meaning they could get what he called “a robot” to take the decisions. “He gets employee of the month every month because he’s so very zealous,” he joked. 

But the agency had also learned from 2015. 

“Experience is sometimes perceived as the ability to do the same thing that you have done before. I think experience is the opposite. It’s the ability to do something completely different than before,” he said. 

A big problem in 2015 had been that municipalities which had a lot of empty hotels and other accommodation received vastly disproportionate numbers of refugees, while people who Ribbenvik calls “asylum oligarchs” cashed in. 

In 2022, the Migration Agency asked the government to change the law so that the municipalities, who themselves own a lot of buildings, were responsible for housing refugees, rather than the Migration Agency.

The biggest thing he learned from 2015, however, was when to admit that the agency was overwhelmed. 

“I remember that the Director General at the time, Anders Danielsson, and I were saying all the time, ‘There’s no crisis. There is no problem. We got this. We got this covered’, and I’ve no idea why, because there was a real crisis, and we couldn’t handle it by ourselves.”

“But this time around, on the first day, the first chance I got, the first press conference, I just rolled over and said ‘we can’t handle this. No, no, no, no, this is too big’.” 

Ribbenvik with Anders Ygeman, the then-minister for integration and migration, at a press conference in early April 2022. Photo: Paul Wennerholm/TT

So what’s next for Mikael Ribbenvik? 

Right now, he’s unwilling to give any details, saying only that he hopes that when he officially retires at the end of this month, he will not stay so for long. 

“On that day, I will actually be retired, but I hope not to stay in retirement too long, and as soon as I have something to tell, I will speak about that, but I can’t today.” 

Listen to our full interview with Mikael Ribbenvik in The Local’s Sweden in Focus podcast.

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POLITICS

How the Sweden Democrats’ ‘troll factory’ tries to shape the immigration debate

A Sweden Democrat 'troll factory' runs campaigns against its political opponents and collaborators, spreading videos faked with AI and posts depicting immigrants as violent, dangerous or stupid, the second part of a documentary series by broadcaster TV4 claims.

How the Sweden Democrats' 'troll factory' tries to shape the immigration debate

“Their goal is to be on social media and in comments on all sorts of posts, to create an environment on social media where the Sweden Democrats and the conservative ideas appear bigger than they are,” Daniel Andersson, one of the reporters behind TV4’s Kalla Fakta programme’s documentary, told The Local.

Andersson spent nine months working undercover, first in the Sweden Democrats’ YouTube channel Riks and later for the party’s communications department.

Footage and information collected during his time working for the party has now formed the basis of a Kalla Fakta series on the so-called troll factory, which the Sweden Democrats had previously denied the existence of.

In the most recent episode, Kalla Fakta reveals a total of 23 different anonymous accounts spread across TikTok, YouTube, Instagram and Facebook, which are all run by the Sweden Democrats. These accounts have a combined 260,000 followers and published roughly 1,000 posts in the first three months of the year, which were viewed over 27 million times.

The accounts specifically try to target younger audiences in order to influence them early on in life.

“The head of the communications department Joakim Wallerstein told me on my first day there that he had a vision of how to change people’s minds,” Andersson said. “And he said that it’s a process which starts early in life, and that’s why it’s important on social media to reach a young audience.”

What are the posts about?

The posts produced by the accounts are for the most part memes – images, videos or text with the aim of being funny or entertaining. In some of these posts, immigrants are depicted as violent or dangerous.

In one clip, the party’s leader Jimmie Åkesson is shown pasted into a video as the driver of a tank letting off fire in Rinkeby in northwest Stockholm, an area with a large immigrant population. 

Others compare Left Party leader Nooshi Dadgostar to Joseph Stalin, or edit speeches by Social Democrat leader Magdalena Andersson so say things like “we can crush the whole country, together we can destroy Sweden”.

The clips also make fun of all three of the party’s coalition partners – the Moderates, the Liberals and the Christian Democrats – despite the fact that the four parties’ coalition agreement states that they should not attack each other.

In one clip, Wallerstein tells the group of troll factory workers to “find shit” on the Christian Democrats’ top candidate for the EU parliament, Alice Teodorescu Måwe, while others make fun of Liberal leader Johan Pehrson. 

In footage obtained by Daniel Andersson, one of the employees in the troll factory discusses what type of music to use when he should “shit on” the Moderates.

How have the political parties reacted?

Sweden’s prime minister, Moderate leader Ulf Kristersson, told TT newswire that he “expects serious answers” from the Sweden Democrats, describing troll accounts as “truly dangerous”.

“I expect them to show us what they’ve done and apologise if they have smeared others. I expect nothing less than that,” he added.

“It undermines public confidence and risks undermining public confidence in politics more broadly,” he added.

Liberal leader Johan Pehrson described Kalla Fakta’s findings as “unacceptable”.

“Disinformation and internet hate is extremely serious,” he said. “The Sweden Democrats need to explain immediately how they plan to stop this group’s activities. Jimmie Åkesson needs to answer the media’s questions and the parties’ party secretaries must discuss how we can move forward on this issue.”

Centre Party leader Muharrem Demirok, who has sat on the national security council alongside Sweden Democrats and discussed the dangers of influence campaigns on Sweden’s democracy, described the party as a “trojan horse” in these discussions.

“They have said that they take this issue seriously, just to go home and let their keyboard warriors loose on political friends and enemies,” he added.

What have the Sweden Democrats said?

In a six minute long YouTube video titled ‘Jimmie Åkesson’s speech to the nation’, Åkesson hit back at Kalla Fakta’s investigation, calling it a “gigantic domestic influence operation” against his party in the run-up to the EU elections.

“As usual, we are seeing uninhibited campaign journalism in the news and in ‘so-called’ investigative TV programmes,” he said, while referring to Kalla Fakta’s reports indirectly as a “home-made smear campaign often with no base in fact”.

“With careful manipulation, secret filming and extreme dramatisation, they have over the last week tried to prove that we, the Sweden Democrats, are spreading disinformation and a false image of reality. The only thing they’ve managed to prove is how they have done exactly what they accuse us of themselves. They are engaging in true disinformation.”

Back in 2022, the Sweden Democrats were accused of running a “troll factory” by left-wing newspaper Dagens ETC. At the time, the party rejected the accusations, calling ETC’s article “unserious and obvious activism” in an email to SVT, while admitting that a group called Battlefield, responsible for moderating the party’s comments boxes on social media, did exist at one point.

In the previous Kalla Fakta programme and in another interview with Dagens ETC, Wallerstein admits that anonymous accounts exist, although he rejects the term “troll factory”.

“I don’t think I’ve been running so called troll sites, for the simple reason that I haven’t been spreading false information,” he told Kalla Fakta.

Reporter Daniel Andersson believes this is nothing more than damage control from the party.

“He doesn’t want to acknowledge that it is a troll factory. He doesn’t see a problem with the fact that they are anonymous, or the fact that the connection to the party is hidden,” Andersson said.

The party has rejected Kalla Fakta’s request for interview.

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