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SPANISH HISTORY

Why do many people see Spain’s flag as a fascist symbol?

Spain is a country with strong regional identities reflected in its flags, but for some the Spanish national flag is associated with fascism and Spain’s dictatorial past. Is it with good reason?

Why do many people see Spain's flag as a fascist symbol?
A man with a Spanish flag hanging from his balcony directs the fascist salute at a crowd of Black Lives Matter protesters in Madrid, with one demonstrator giving him the finger in return. (Photo by Gabriel BOUYS / AFP)

The distinct identities of Spain’s regions are often reflected in their language and customs, but also in their flags.

Catalonia has La Senyera (the official regional flag) and La Estelada (the independence flag with the star), the Basque Country has la La Ikurriña, and even less separatist-minded parts of Spain such as Andalusia and the Canary Islands take pride in their flags.

However, the symbolism of the Spanish national flag – the traditional red and yellow band known as La Rojigualda – is often associated with right-leaning politics, at the least, and fascism at worst.

Much like in England, if you see someone going to the trouble to display the St. George’s flag, or in the United States, with the Confederate flag, you likely have a good idea of what their political ideologies are.

In recent years in Spain, the rise of far-right party Vox has rekindled the debate about the Spanish flag, dug up painful historical memories and divides, and led many to view it as a symbol of Spain’s fascist history.

But why is that?

History

So, what’s the history of the Spanish flag? Well, what is now considered (by some) to be a symbol of fascism initially began as a naval flag.

In 1785, King Carlos III asked his Navy Minister Antonio Valdés to design a new national flag for the Navy because the flag they had at the time was often confused at sea for other nations.

Valdés came up with 12 sketches, all of which are now on display in Madrid, and Carlos III not only changed the flag to something more recognisable to us today – the striking red and yellow colours were thought to be more identifiable at sea – but removed the Bourbon coat of arms.

Then, in 1843, Isabel II declared by Royal Decree that the national flag established should be the same colours as the naval flag and it was flown for the first time in non-naval buildings the following year.

spain flag history

The 12 flags suggested by Antonio Valdés, on display at Madrid’s Naval Museum. Image: Museo Naval de Madrid

The politicisation of the Spanish flag

After the Second Spanish Republic was proclaimed in 1931, the flag’s second red band was replaced with a purple band to honour the Comuneros of Castile, a group which revolted against King Charles I in 1520. This modified version was used as the Republican flag during the Civil War, while Franco’s army used the traditional yellow and red flag.

After winning the war, Franco added the Eagle of Saint John to the flag, and it underwent some very minor changes during the dictatorship (which lasted between 193 and 1975), but largely remained the same until Spain’s transition to democracy began.

The eagle added to Spain’s flag by Franco was also a symbol adopted by the Nazis in Germany. Image: Wikipedia

Some historians have suggested that the republican decision not to embrace the Spanish flag and stick by their own creation laid the foundations for the political divides over the flag’s symbolism that would come in later years.

What’s clear is that the Spanish right (and far right) have appropriated the national flag as a symbol of their vision of Spanish history and identity, whilst the Spanish left have missed an opportunity to claim it as their own.

In countries that also had fascist dictatorships, such as Iberian neighbours Portugal, both the right and left take pride in and make use of the flag.

Transition

The Spanish flag that we know today was established in Article 4.1 of the Spanish Constitution of 1978, when the national coat of arms was incorporated, and the more Francoist elements removed.

But the Spanish left hasn’t always viewed the flag as a symbol of fascism. In the years after Spain’s democratic transition the left accepted the rojigualda and both PSOE and the Spanish Communist Party used it in electoral and promotional material.

Former US President George Bush (L) and Spain’s former Socialist Prime Minister Felipe González in 1991, with the Spanish flag in the background. (Photo by David AKE / AFP)

After more political instability and a failed coup in 1981, for many on the left, embracing the flag signified reconciliation after decades of dictatorship and polarisation.

But by the turn of the 21st century, the Republican tricolour flag began to make a bit of a political comeback as a broader anti-authoritarian, anti-imperial, left-wing symbol.

As war in Iraq began it took on anti-NATO connotations, and as separatist sentiment grew in the Basque Country and Catalonia the traditional flag began being associated with fascism and Francoism again.

A man holds a Republican flag during an anti-monarchy demonstration in Madrid. (Photo by PIERRE-PHILIPPE MARCOU / AFP)

With the more radical elements of the Spanish left completely turning their back on the national flag, in recent years far-right party Vox has used the flag as a rallying call against separatist regions and re-established the flag as a symbol of what they perceive to be traditional Spanish identity.

The emphasis on a one-flag country is not only an allusion to Vox’s pro-centralisation, anti-separatist politics, but also harks back to the dictatorship when regional identities, flags and languages were restricted.

Supporters of Spanish dictator General Francisco Franco perform the fascist salute and hold Spanish flags as they attend the anniversary of the dictator’s death in Madrid. (Photo by GERARD JULIEN / AFP)

Vox party leader Santiago Abascal makes heavy use of the flag in his public appearances, social media posts, and Vox memorabilia.

The rise of other regional flags, he believes, is in direct confrontation with the Spanish flag. “It’s either our stained, trampled, and spit-at flag,” he said in a speech in 2019, “or our flag waving with pride”.

As Spanish politics has become more and more polarised in recent years, flags have re-emerged as divisive political symbols.

Unfortunately, for many people the Spanish flag continues to be an image of Franco’s fascist dictatorship and reignites the historical divisions from the Civil War, rather than being an emblem of different people and regions that are united as one nation (flag-wielding support for the national football team La Roja and other national sport teams are an exception to this, however).

For other parts of the Spanish population, the national flag represents their politics and view of Spanish history and identity. They drape Spanish flags from their balconies or wear red-and-yellow bracelets and belts to showcase their patriotism. 

In modern-day Spain, La Rojigualda is still without a doubt a very loaded symbol.

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SPAIN EXPLAINED

Why does Spain have no nuclear weapons?

Despite a top secret project to build them during the dictatorship, Spaniards have never been keen on the idea of nuclear weapons, especially since the US accidentally dropped four nuclear bombs on Almería.

Why does Spain have no nuclear weapons?

Spain isn’t part of the reduced group of nations that have nuclear weapons, which includes European neighbours the UK and France.

It has never tested nuclear weapons, does not manufacture them, nor has it bought them from nuclear allies who make them.

Spain is still a NATO member and doesn’t shy away from involving itself in foreign policy debates, often taking positions against the mainstream.

But it has still never joined the nuclear club nor have Spaniards ever really wanted to, even though former dictator Francisco Franco had different ideas (more on that below).

In fact, Spaniards seem to have an indifferent if not abnormally negative view of nukes, largely stemming from an accident by an American air force on Spanish soil in the 1960s.

READ ALSO: How important is nuclear power to Spain?

A 2018 study on state attitudes towards nuclear weapons concluded that Spain had “little to no interest in nuclear weapons.” Yet Spain still benefits from NATO’s so-called ‘nuclear umbrella’ defence and has nearby neighbours, including France and the United Kingdom, that are nuclear powers. It is also home to several American military bases.

In that sense, Spain balances a somewhat unique position of being pro-nuclear for other countries and as a broader defence deterrence at the global level, but not on Spanish territory because it knows that would not sit well with Spaniards.

But why is this? Why doesn’t Spain have nuclear weapons?

Anti-nuclear sentiment among Spaniards

According to an article for Institut Montaigne by Clara Portela, Professor of Political Science at the University of Valencia, the Spanish people are “sensitised on nuclear weapons, if not negatively disposed towards them.”

Much of it comes down to history and, in particular, an accident involving nuclear weapons on Spanish soil. As part of post-war defence and security agreements Spain made with the U.S, American nuclear weapons were kept on Spanish soil.

Spaniards weren’t keen on the idea. Portela notes that “their presence at the Torrejón base near Madrid was a controversial issue” among the public, but it was an accident in 1966 that really soured Spaniards to nuclear weapons after an American aircraft carrying a hydrogen bomb crashed and dropped the device in the waters near the town of Palomares off the coast of Almería.

READ ALSO: Ten of the best documentaries about Spain

The incident caused “one of the bombs to fall to the seabed and leak radioactivity” into the surrounding area, Portela states, something that would have no doubt hardened many Spaniard’s perceptions towards nuclear weapons, especially as the American bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki was still in living memory for many.

A NATO-nuclear referendum

This scepticism towards nuclear arms was solidified twenty years later in a referendum on NATO membership. Though the government of the day campaigned for continued membership of the military alliance, it made it conditional on Spain also continuing as a non-nuclear power. A clause in the referendum consultation outlined this condition: “The prohibition to install, store or introduce nuclear weapons on Spanish soil will be maintained.”

Spaniards backed their continued, non-nuclear NATO membership by 13 percent.

A year later, in 1987, Spain formally signed the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), further cementing its non-nuclear stance.

And that was it — with this and the result of the referendum, Portela suggests that “the issue of nuclear weapons was all but archived. It hardly re-surfaced in public debates for decades.”

An atomic bomb of the type nicknamed “Little Boy” that was dropped by a US Army Air Force B-29 bomber in 1945 over Hiroshima, Japan. (Photo by LOS ALAMOS SCIENTIFIC LABORATORY / AFP)

The nuclear dictator?

Despite the Spanish public’s distrust of nuclear weapons, there was one Spaniard in particular who was quite keen on the idea: Franco.

In what may be one of the most terrifying historical ‘what ifs’ ever, the fascist dictator wanted to equip Spain with a nuclear arsenal, started a project to do so, and came very close to achieving it.

The ‘Islero Project’, as it was known, was top secret and lasted for several decades of scientific research until it was finally abandoned in the 1980s after his death.

Firstly, a brief consideration of the geopolitics of the time is worthwhile here, and it concerns the Americans again. When the Second World War ended in 1945, Spain immediately became isolated on the international stage owing to its support for Nazi Germany and fascist Spain. It was excluded from the UN and shunned as a real player in international relations.

As the Cold War and threat of nuclear annihilation grew throughout the 1950s, Franco’s fierce anti-communism combined with the strategic geographical positioning of Spain led the U.S. to form closer ties with the dictatorship, promising financial aid and image rehabilitation in return for allowing American military bases in Spain.

READ ALSO: Where are the US’s military bases in Spain and why are they there?

The Junta de Energía Nuclear was created in 1951, undertaking research and atomic energy development more broadly, and it sent promising researchers to study in the U.S. When they returned, the Islero project continued in secret.

Rather bizarrely, it was the accident at Palomares years later that actually gave the scientists the key to designing an atomic bomb. Unconvinced by the American’s explanations for the debacle, the Spaniards working on plans discovered the Ulam-Teller method, which was fundamental to the development of the thermonuclear bomb or H-bomb.

However, the project was then frozen by Franco himself because he feared the United States would discover that Spain was trying to develop its own atomic bomb and impose economic sanctions.

After Franco’s death in 1975, Spanish scientists secretly restarted the project, but in 1982 the new Socialist government discovered the plans and disbanded the project. By 1987 the González government announced Spain’s accession to the Non-Proliferation Treaty NPT and the issue has rarely even come up as an issue since then.

And despite that, Spain is a NATO member, regularly attends the G20, and often plays a leading role on the global stage. Certain elements of the dictatorship had eyes on building a nuclear arsenal, but it never happened. Franco ultimately worried about the economic repercussions of being discovered, and Spaniards were themselves sceptical about the idea based on the experience in Palomares.

In terms of nuclear weapons, Spain is what Portela describes as a ‘de-proliferation’ state – in other words, a country that aspired to have nuclear bombs but reversed it.

It doesn’t look like changing anytime soon either. A survey in 2021 showed that Spain had the highest level of support for the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, with a massive 89 percent majority.

READ ALSO: Why is Spain not in the G20 (but is always invited)?

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