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POLITICS

PROFILE: How Italy’s Draghi went from ‘Super Mario’ to fallen prime minister

Mario Draghi, credited with helping save the eurozone as head of the European Central Bank, presided over a remarkable period of unity as Italy's premier before falling foul of its notoriously unstable political system.

Italy's outgoing Prime Minister Mario Draghi holds a press conference at a European Union leaders summit in Brussels on June 24, 2022.
Italy's outgoing Prime Minister Mario Draghi holds a press conference at a European Union leaders summit in Brussels on June 24, 2022. Photo by JOHN THYS / AFP.

The star economist was never directly elected but won the backing of almost all political parties when he took office in February 2021 and raised Italy’s profile on the international stage as a respected leader in the European Union and G7.

He was tasked with handling the coronavirus pandemic and the aftermath of recession, as well as overseeing plans to use an unprecedented EU recovery fund worth billions of euros to boost growth in the country.

TIMELINE: What happens next in Italy’s government crisis?

Enjoying soaring personal popularity and the trust of Brussels and the financial markets, Draghi was seen as the best choice to revive a stagnant economy, plagued by structural inefficiencies and a punishing bureaucracy, by ushering in structural reforms long delayed by infighting and inertia.

But with elections scheduled for next year, the parties in his coalition grew increasingly restive and Draghi’s stern warnings to stop political games went unheeded.

Three parties in his coalition on Wednesday refused to participate in a confidence vote, pulling the plug on the government.

Draghi handed in his resignation to Italy’s President Sergio Mattarella Thursday morning.

Italy's outgoing Prime Minister Mario Draghi after addressing the Senate on July 20th in a last attempt to resolve the government crisis.
Italy’s outgoing Prime Minister Mario Draghi after addressing the Senate on July 20th in a last attempt to resolve the government crisis. Photo by Andreas SOLARO / AFP

Basketball and banking

Born in Rome on September 3, 1947 in a well-off family, Draghi lost both parents in his mid-teens, leaving him to care for two younger siblings.

As a young man he was never a rebel, even if he sympathised with the 1968 protest movement. “My hair was quite long, but not very long,” he told German magazine Die Zeit in 2015.

Draghi was educated in a Jesuit-run elite high school where he excelled in maths, Latin and basketball, and shared lessons with the likes of former Ferrari boss Luca Cordero di Montezemolo.

Draghi, who is married with two children, remains a practising Catholic.

In 1970, Draghi graduated in economics, with a thesis that argued the single currency “was a folly, something that should absolutely not be done” – a view that later evolved, as he became one of the euro’s strongest supporters.

He earned a PhD from the prestigious Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in the United States, and taught economics in several Italian universities.

After spending six years at the World Bank from 1984 to 1990, he led the treasury department at the Italian economy ministry for a decade, working under nine separate governments.

From that position, Draghi masterminded large-scale privatisations and contributed to deficit-cutting efforts that helped Italy qualify for the euro.

Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi speaks during a ministerial meeting at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) at the OECD headquarters in Paris on June 9, 2022.
Draghi speaks during a ministerial meeting at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) at the OECD headquarters in Paris on June 9, 2022. Photo by STEPHANE DE SAKUTIN / AFP.

No ‘lame compromises’

In 2002, Draghi joined the management of Goldman Sachs, before being tapped three years later to lead the Bank of Italy after a scandal involving its former head, Antonio Fazio.

He was named to head the European Central Bank (ECB) in November 2011 when a near-bankruptcy situation in Italy risked triggering the collapse of the entire eurozone.

A year later, Draghi changed history by pledging to do “whatever it takes to preserve the euro”, adding: “And believe me, it will be enough.”

He was credited with helping save the single currency. However, that rescue came only with help from hefty cash injections and historic low interest rates – earning him the ire of conservatives, especially in Germany.

People who saw “Super Mario” at work at the ECB say he was a skilful negotiator with sharp political antennas, and ready to play “bad cop” to sway decisions in his favour, a former aide told AFP.

Draghi is someone who does not accept “lame compromises” for the sake of maintaining consensus, the aide said.

After leaving the ECB in 2019, Draghi laid low and spent most of Italy’s coronavirus lockdown period in his country house in central Umbria.

He was called in to lead Italy by President Sergio Mattarella, after the previous government of Giuseppe Conte collapsed into in-fighting in January 2021.

He had been tipped to succeed Mattarella during presidential elections in parliament earlier this year, but in the end Mattarella was called back for a second term after lawmakers failed to agree on anyone else.

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POLITICS

How much control does Giorgia Meloni’s government have over Italian media?

There's been renewed debate over the state of press freedom in Italy following warnings that Meloni's administration is seeking "control" of Italy's media. But what's behind these reports?

How much control does Giorgia Meloni's government have over Italian media?

Press freedom is at the centre of fresh debate in Italy this week after Spanish newspaper El País on Saturday published an article titled “Meloni wants all the media power in Italy.”

The report, which was picked up by Italian newspaper La Repubblica, suggests that the Italian prime minister and her right-wing executive is looking to “monopolise” national print and broadcast outlets

It follows reports in English-language media recently describing how Meloni is accused of trying to stamp her authority on Italian arts and media in what critics call a “purge” of dissenting voices.

Meloni and members of her administration have long faced accusations of trying to silence journalists and intimidate detractors. Media organisations say this often takes the form of high-profile politicians bringing lawsuits against individual journalists, and cite the defamation case brought by Meloni against anti-mafia reporter Roberto Saviano in 2023 as a prime example.

READ ALSO: Six things to know about the state of press freedom in Italy

Discussions over media independence aren’t new in Italy, as the country has consistently ranked poorly in the annual Press Freedom reports by Reporters without Borders in recent years. Italy came in 41st out of 180 in the 2023 ranking, which made it the worst country in western Europe for press freedom.

But what’s behind the recent allegations that the government is trying to exert a more direct influence?

Meloni, Porta a Porta

Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni on Italian national TV show Porta a Porta in Rome on April 4th 2024. Photo by Filippo MONTEFORTE / AFP

National television

The article from El País accuses Meloni’s cabinet of effectively controlling Italy’s two biggest national broadcasters: state-owned RAI and commercial broadcaster Mediaset.

While Mediaset and its three main channels (Rete 4, Canale 5 and Italia 1) have long been seen as ‘loyal’ to Meloni’s executive – the network was founded by the late Silvio Berlusconi, whose Forza Italia party continues to be a key member of the ruling coalition – the government’s ties with public broadcaster RAI are more complex.

Unlike state-owned broadcasters in other European countries, RAI is not controlled by a regulatory body but rather by the government itself, which means that the network has always been particularly susceptible to political influences. 

But Meloni’s cabinet is accused of exerting unprecedented power over the broadcaster following the replacement of former top executives with figures considered closer to the government.

Salvini, RAI

Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini speaks with Italian journalist Bruno Vespa during the talk show Porta a Porta, broadcast on Italian channel Rai 1. Photo by Andreas SOLARO / AFP

Last May, Carlo Fuortes resigned as RAI’s CEO saying that he couldn’t possibly “accept changes opposed to RAI’s interests”. He was replaced by centrist Roberto Sergio, who in turn appointed Giampaolo Rossi – a “loyalist” of Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party – as the network’s general director. 

Sergio and Rossi’s appointment was closely followed by a general management reshuffle which saw figures close to the government occupy key positions within the company. This led to critics and journalists dubbing the network ‘TeleMeloni’.

Print media 

Besides concerns over its sway on Italy’s main broadcast networks, Meloni’s executive is currently under heavy scrutiny following the rumoured takeover of Italy’s AGI news agency by the right-wing Angelucci publishing group. 

The group is headed by Antonio Angelucci, an MP for Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini’s hard-right League party, and owner of three right-wing newspapers: Il Giornale, Libero and Il Tempo.

News of the potential takeover from Angelucci sparked a series of strikes and demonstrations from the news agency’s journalists in recent weeks, with reporters raising concerns over the independence and autonomy of journalists in the event of an ownership change.

The leader of the centre-left Democratic Party Elly Schlein weighed in on the matter last week, saying that the sale of Italy’s second-largest news agency to a ruling coalition MP would be “inadmissible”.

Further debate over press freedom in the country emerged in early March after three journalists from the left-wing Domani newspaper were accused of illegally accessing and publishing private data regarding a number of high-profile people, including Defence Minister Guido Crosetto, and the late Silvio Berlusconi’s girlfriend. 

The newspaper has so far condemned the investigation, saying it is “a warning to Domani and all journalists” and a further threat to media independence in a country ranked amongst the worst in Europe for press freedom.

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