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What does Italy’s latest political crisis mean for the economy?

The potential collapse of Italy's government has thrown the post-pandemic recovery plan into doubt and brought back fears of a debt crisis - but how severe will the impact on the economy really be?

What does Italy's latest political crisis mean for the economy?
Banks in Milan’s Porta Nuova business district - Markets were down at the end of last week as the Italian government threatened to collapse. Photo by MIGUEL MEDINA / AFP

As Italy was plunged into a political crisis on Thursday, shockwaves immediately rippled through the markets: Milan’s stock exchange was down more than three percent over fears Prime Minister Mario Draghi’s coalition government could come crashing down and spark snap elections.

All eyes are now on borrowing costs after the ‘spread’ – the closely watched gap between German and Italian 10-year interest rates – widened further on Friday following Draghi’s attempted resignation amid the deepening crisis.

READ ALSO: Four scenarios: What happens next in Italy’s government crisis?

But President Sergio Mattarella refused to accept the prime minister’s resignation – instead urging Draghi to address parliament on Wednesday in an attempt to find a way forward.

The country now faces prolonged uncertainty, with no clear path forward.

“Any signal that Draghi would not survive the 2023 parliamentary elections, or even leave office before, is a cause for concern for the markets,” Gilles Moec, chief economist at the Axa group, told AFP.

Although political crises are nothing new in Italy, Galietti said “this one is unprecedented” because of geopolitical factors, citing tensions with Russia over its invasion of Ukraine.

Even without the current political instability, Italy’s economic outlook is suffering due to “the size of its debt, its low growth rate and its strong dependence on Russian gas,” Moec said.

Italy's Prime Minister Mario Draghi tried to tender his resignation on Thursday, but was asked by President Sergio Mattarella to stay.

Italy’s Prime Minister Mario Draghi tried to tender his resignation on Thursday, but was asked by President Sergio Mattarella to stay. Photo by Filippo MONTEFORTE / AFP.

Italy has a mammoth debt of over 2.7 trillion euros or some 150 percent of GDP – the highest in the eurozone after Greece – though the debt-GDP ratio is beginning to shrink.

The country has long lagged behind others in the eurozone: between 1999 and 2019, the economy grew by just 7.9 percent compared to 30.2 percent in Germany, 32.4 percent in France and 43.6 percent in Spain.

Italy’s gross domestic product increased 6.6 by percent in 2021, after a 2020 slump due to the coronavirus pandemic.

The Bank of Italy expects GDP to increase by 3.2 percent in 2022 – but that figure could drop below one percent if Russian gas supplies are cut off over the war in Ukraine.

READ ALSO: Italian PM says Russia’s excuses for gas cut are ‘lies’ as shortfall continues

After former European Central Bank chief “Super Mario” became prime minister back in February 2021, Italy’s 10-year borrowing rate fell below 0.5 percent.

It has now climbed to 3.4 percent.

Italy is counting on the European recovery fund to boost growth. It’s the biggest beneficiary of all member states, set to receive 191.5 billion euros if it ticks off a series of EU-requested reforms aimed at, among other things, improving creaking infrastructure and preventing large-scale tax evasion.

Draghi’s departure, however, would put those reforms at risk.

More than a thousand Italian mayors signed a petition on Sunday pleading with Draghi to stay on, saying the post-pandemic recovery plan required stability.

“Our cities… cannot afford a crisis today that means immobilism and division,” the petition said.

“We need stability, certainty and consistency in order to continue the transformation of our cities… Because without the rebirth of these, Italy will not be reborn either.”

But with Draghi’s grand coalition in disarray, the chances the country will head to snap elections after the summer are high.

READ ALSO: ‘We need stability’: Hundreds of Italian mayors plead with Draghi to stay

A far-right or populist win at the polls would weigh significantly on the spread, just as it did in 2018, when Matteo Salvini’s anti-immigrant League joined forces with the once anti-establishment Five Star Movement.

Public finances are however unlikely to be derailed as in the 2012 crisis, economic experts said.

“Interest rates would have to rise very sharply and durably for us to begin to observe solvency problems,” Natixis economist Jesus Castillo told AFP.

Italy’s bonds last on average over seven years, which means the rise in rates will not immediately be reflected in debt.

What’s more, banks are in better shape now than in 2012.

“Economic fundamentals remain compatible with long-term debt sustainability,” Castillo said.

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POLITICS

How much control does Giorgia Meloni’s government have over Italian media?

There's been renewed debate over the state of press freedom in Italy following warnings that Meloni's administration is seeking "control" of Italy's media. But what's behind these reports?

How much control does Giorgia Meloni's government have over Italian media?

Press freedom is at the centre of fresh debate in Italy this week after Spanish newspaper El País on Saturday published an article titled “Meloni wants all the media power in Italy.”

The report, which was picked up by Italian newspaper La Repubblica, suggests that the Italian prime minister and her right-wing executive is looking to “monopolise” national print and broadcast outlets

It follows reports in English-language media recently describing how Meloni is accused of trying to stamp her authority on Italian arts and media in what critics call a “purge” of dissenting voices.

Meloni and members of her administration have long faced accusations of trying to silence journalists and intimidate detractors. Media organisations say this often takes the form of high-profile politicians bringing lawsuits against individual journalists, and cite the defamation case brought by Meloni against anti-mafia reporter Roberto Saviano in 2023 as a prime example.

READ ALSO: Six things to know about the state of press freedom in Italy

Discussions over media independence aren’t new in Italy, as the country has consistently ranked poorly in the annual Press Freedom reports by Reporters without Borders in recent years. Italy came in 41st out of 180 in the 2023 ranking, which made it the worst country in western Europe for press freedom.

But what’s behind the recent allegations that the government is trying to exert a more direct influence?

Meloni, Porta a Porta

Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni on Italian national TV show Porta a Porta in Rome on April 4th 2024. Photo by Filippo MONTEFORTE / AFP

National television

The article from El País accuses Meloni’s cabinet of effectively controlling Italy’s two biggest national broadcasters: state-owned RAI and commercial broadcaster Mediaset.

While Mediaset and its three main channels (Rete 4, Canale 5 and Italia 1) have long been seen as ‘loyal’ to Meloni’s executive – the network was founded by the late Silvio Berlusconi, whose Forza Italia party continues to be a key member of the ruling coalition – the government’s ties with public broadcaster RAI are more complex.

Unlike state-owned broadcasters in other European countries, RAI is not controlled by a regulatory body but rather by the government itself, which means that the network has always been particularly susceptible to political influences. 

But Meloni’s cabinet is accused of exerting unprecedented power over the broadcaster following the replacement of former top executives with figures considered closer to the government.

Salvini, RAI

Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini speaks with Italian journalist Bruno Vespa during the talk show Porta a Porta, broadcast on Italian channel Rai 1. Photo by Andreas SOLARO / AFP

Last May, Carlo Fuortes resigned as RAI’s CEO saying that he couldn’t possibly “accept changes opposed to RAI’s interests”. He was replaced by centrist Roberto Sergio, who in turn appointed Giampaolo Rossi – a “loyalist” of Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party – as the network’s general director. 

Sergio and Rossi’s appointment was closely followed by a general management reshuffle which saw figures close to the government occupy key positions within the company. This led to critics and journalists dubbing the network ‘TeleMeloni’.

Print media 

Besides concerns over its sway on Italy’s main broadcast networks, Meloni’s executive is currently under heavy scrutiny following the rumoured takeover of Italy’s AGI news agency by the right-wing Angelucci publishing group. 

The group is headed by Antonio Angelucci, an MP for Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini’s hard-right League party, and owner of three right-wing newspapers: Il Giornale, Libero and Il Tempo.

News of the potential takeover from Angelucci sparked a series of strikes and demonstrations from the news agency’s journalists in recent weeks, with reporters raising concerns over the independence and autonomy of journalists in the event of an ownership change.

The leader of the centre-left Democratic Party Elly Schlein weighed in on the matter last week, saying that the sale of Italy’s second-largest news agency to a ruling coalition MP would be “inadmissible”.

Further debate over press freedom in the country emerged in early March after three journalists from the left-wing Domani newspaper were accused of illegally accessing and publishing private data regarding a number of high-profile people, including Defence Minister Guido Crosetto, and the late Silvio Berlusconi’s girlfriend. 

The newspaper has so far condemned the investigation, saying it is “a warning to Domani and all journalists” and a further threat to media independence in a country ranked amongst the worst in Europe for press freedom.

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