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SWEDEN ELECTS

Sweden Elects: ‘The modern Swedish pathology is that no one takes responsibility for anything’

In this week's Sweden Elects, The Local's editor Emma Löfgren asks Nicholas Aylott, associate professor of political science at Södertörn University, to share his thoughts about the key issues that will define the Swedish election.

Sweden Elects: 'The modern Swedish pathology is that no one takes responsibility for anything'
Who does the voter blame or praise for the consequences of Prime Minister Magdalena Andersson's policies? Photo: Marko Säävälä/TT

What do you think readers of The Local need to know about Swedish politics?

“Swedish party politics hasn’t usually been that different from politics in most European countries. The country has a parliamentary system, which means that the head of government, the prime minister, is the person preferred by a majority of the members of parliament. What’s more, it has usually been easy, after an election, to see who that preferred person was. The parties tended to divide into two blocs, one on the right, one on the left. Whichever of the two blocs had attained a majority would provide the prime minister and the government.

“Things have been much more uncertain and unstable since 2010, when the Sweden Democrats were first elected to parliament. All the other parties disliked them, but some gradually became tempted to reach some accommodation with them. Others couldn’t stomach that prospect. The disagreement made it hard to form any stable majority in parliament.

“Now, though, we may be getting back to a more stable pattern. The Sweden Democrats look to have been accepted as part of the right bloc. Perhaps the bigger question is whether the Centre Party can accept that it is now a part of the left bloc. If so, we will be back on more stable terrain. For me, this is the question of which everyone following Swedish politics ought to be aware.”

Which issue do you think will define the Swedish election?

“The biggest party, the Social Democrats, whose leader, Magdalena Andersson, is prime minister, will be keen for one very topical issue to stay low down on the agenda. That issue is Sweden’s Nato membership. Her government’s application to the alliance has happened so quickly that it hasn’t really sunk in yet. Many of her party colleagues will be unhappy. The Social Democrats’ allies are against membership. Best to talk about it as little as possible.

“The Social Democrats must address Sweden’s most urgent social problem, namely, the extraordinary levels of violence that criminal gangs have come to inflict on each other (and anyone unlucky enough to get in the way). But the ruling party will know that they are vulnerable here. The right-wing opposition will be keen to put law and order at the centre of the campaign.

“The Social Democrats will plan to install the economy and welfare as the main issues that everyone talks about. Sweden has serious economic problems, not least its looming energy shortages, but these problems are probably worse abroad; and the state’s finances are fairly robust. The party suspects that there may be votes in pledging to rein back the role of private companies in the provision of public services.”

Which issue do you think should define the Swedish election?

“All the issues mentioned above are important, of course. But if I could add one to the agenda, it would be that of political responsibility.

“If you ask me (and you accept a big dose of exaggeration), the modern Swedish pathology is that no one takes responsibility for anything. You see this all too clearly in politics, and it’s a problem. Sweden has had a government that has periodically been forced to implement an opposition budget. Who, then, does the voter blame or praise for the consequences of economic policy? And it’s actually worse than that. Ministers have claimed that they have no control over important decisions, including some in relation to national security, and instead defer to civil servants. This sort of shirking reached a nadir during the coronavirus pandemic, of course.

“If the 2022 election could produce a consensus that politicians must take more direct responsibility for policy, and thus make their democratic accountability clearer, I would be content!”

You can read more about Nicholas’ research here, and follow him on Telegram here.

Sweden Elects is a new weekly column by Editor Emma Löfgren looking at the big talking points and issues in the Swedish election race. Members of The Local Sweden can sign up to receive the column plus several extra features as a newsletter in their email inbox each week. Just click on this “newsletters” option or visit the menu bar. Next week’s issue will look into regional politics and what you need to know about that.

What issues do you think should define the September 11th election? Email your thoughts to [email protected] (please state in your email if we’re allowed to share them with your fellow readers in next week’s issue of Sweden Elects, and if you’d like to remain anonymous).

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POLITICS IN SWEDEN

OPINION: Is Sweden complacent about social media influence of the radical-right?

With the think tank linked to the Sweden Democrats openly recruiting the next generation of far-right social media 'influencers', why is Sweden so complacent about moves to shift public opinion to the radical right, asks The Local's Nordic editor Richard Orange.

OPINION: Is Sweden complacent about social media influence of the radical-right?

The radical right in Sweden is at least open about what it’s trying to do.

The homepage of Oikos, the think tank set up by Mattias Karlsson, the former right-hand man of Jimmie Åkesson, leader of the Sweden Democrats, is currently recruiting the first 15 of “a new generation” of “conservative” online propagandists. 

The think tank – whose controlling foundation has been criticised for refusing to reveal the true origin of 5 million kronor in funding – this week launched its new Illustra Academy, which aims to train an army of young, far-right “creators” to help win over minds on YouTube, Instagram, and TikTok. 

Successful applicants, it promises, will get the chance “to meet leading actors in social media and digital political influencing”.

They will get “mentorship from established political influencers”, build “valuable contacts with influencers, digital opinion-makers, creatives, politicians and possible future employers”, and meet “businesses, political organisations, communications agencies and media actors”. 

This programme is being set up by Andreas Palmlöv, one of the many top Sweden Democrats who went to the US after Donald Trump was elected president to work for an increasingly radicalised Republican Party, serving as an intern for the former Speaker of Congress Kevin McCarthy.

After his return to Sweden, Palmlöv was photographed meeting Gregg Keller, a US lobbyist he says he met through the Leadership Institute, an organisation backed by a who’s who of US billionaire donors which has over the past ten years spent 8 million kronor training up young “conservatives” in Europe.

Karlsson, Åkesson’s former right-hand man, has even closer links to the US, holding at least one meeting with Steve Bannon, Trump’s former strategist, and attending the wedding of the pro-Trump US conservative media profile Candace Owens in 2019.   

As a British citizen, I’m perhaps overly sensitive about the influence of conservative, libertarian donors and their think tanks, and of the efforts to use social media to push public opinion towards the radical right. 

Vote Leave, which led the campaign for the UK to leave the European Union, started its life at 55 Tufton Street, the townhouse near the UK Parliament where the country’s most powerful “dark money” think tanks are based, while Matthew Elliot, its chief executive, was a Tufton Street veteran. 

Since the UK left the EU, the ruling Conservative Party has been increasingly captured by these think tanks and their wealthy backers.   

Ministers, former ministers and Conservative MPs now happily speak alongside radical right figures at lavish conferences like the National Conservatism UK conference part-funded by Christian pro-Trump US foundations, or the Alliance for Responsible Citizenship conference part-funded by Paul Marshall and Christopher Chandler, the two billionaires who are the most open and prominent funders of attempts to shift the UK to the radical, libertarian right. 

Conservative MPs and former ministers have over the past two years been paid a total of £600,000 (8 million kronor) to appear on GB News, the Fox News clone jointly owned by Marshall and Chandler.

The Legatum Institute, Chandler’s own think tank, pretty much dictated the UK’s Brexit policy while Boris Johnson was prime minister, while during Liz Truss’s brief premiership, the Tufton Street think tanks supplied much of her team.

When her attempt to drive through their radical libertarian economic programme blew up spectacularly, she was forced to resign. But they haven’t given up, with Truss returning in February with the new Popular Conservatism group. 

I had always believed that the UK politics was immune to US levels of big donor influence, that the Conservative Party could never go the way of the Republican Party in the US, and it turns out I was wrong. 

So is that same naivety playing out in Sweden? 

The Oikos think tank has already started hosting international conservative conferences along the lines of ARC, with a conference at the Sundbyholms Slott castle outside Eskilstuna last year. 

When Social Democrat opposition leader Magdalena Andersson raised questions earlier this year about the funding of Henrik Jönsson, a popular YouTube debater, she was sharply criticised by commentators of both left and right for seeking to smear a critic without providing evidence

But in the US, there are billionaire-funded ‘educational’ YouTube channels like PragerU that follow a very similar format to Jönsson’s. Jönsson’s videos reliably follow the same talking points, questioning whether global warming is really causing extreme weather, spread disinformation about wind farms, call for Sweden’s public broadcasters to be abolished, and claim migrants have trashed the economy. 

And when a donor last year asked Gunnar Strömmer, now Sweden’s Justice Minister, how to give 350,000 kronor to the Moderates without having to identify himself under party financing laws, in part of a sting by TV4’s Kalla Fakta programme, Strömmer advised him to give it directly to right-wing “opinion-makers”, meaning, presumably, people like Jönsson. 

Despite the uproar, Jönsson has never explicitly denied receiving funding from outside organisations, only that such funding does not influence his output. 

“I am quite open about the fact that I willingly take money from all decent organisations and private individuals,” he told the Dagens ETC newspaper, while declining to give any further details. “But no one controls what I say,” he added. 

He has admitted that the website for his Energiupproret campaign, which blamed green policy and the shutdown of nuclear power stations for high power prices in the run-up to the 2022 election, was built by Näringslivets Mediaservice, a right wing social media outfit the precise funding of which was always unclear, although it was linked to Stiftelsen Svenskt Näringsliv, a foundation set up partly by the Confederation of Swedish Industry. 

The founders of Oikos’ new influencer education programme would probably argue that nothing is stopping the political left and centre from raising funds to train up young social media influencers in exactly the same way. 

Left-wing parties are not above taking donations. Approached by the same donor as part of the Kalla Fakta undercover report, representatives of the centre-left Social Democrats – as well as the Christian Democrats, Liberals, and Sweden Democrats on the right – also recommended ways around party finance laws.

But do we really want the UK or Sweden to follow the path the US has taken in recent decades, where a handful of billionaires with radical right opinions have aggressively pumped money into think tanks and media outfits and so succeeded in pushing one of the main parties towards previously fringe political opinions? 

It didn’t need to be this way.

When Sweden was developing its new party financing laws back in 2016, experts warned the then government must not to allow the identity of donors to be hidden behind foundations, the key method used by so-called dark money in the US, but the loophole was left open by the law.

It’s not just Oikos, which is funded by an opaque foundation, Insamlingsstiftelsen för Svensk Konservatism (The Fundraising Foundation for Swedish Conservatism), which uses this loophole. 

When caught in the sting by the Kalla Fakta programme, a Social Democrat also suggested that the donor set up a foundation to hide their identity. 

It may be that money from US billionaires, big companies, or indeed from other states, is not yet being spent in Sweden in a way that can alter the political landscape, but because neither think tanks nor influencers need to give much information about who funds them, it’s impossible to know. 

In the UK, the danger may soon be averted. No one seems to take the new outfit fronted by Liz Truss too seriously, and the general election later this year should offer the chance to clean up the country’s politics.  

Nonetheless, I feel like I’ve come very close to losing my original homeland to the kind of political developments seen in the US. I don’t want to lose my adopted country too.

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