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JOHN LICHFIELD

OPINION: A Le Pen presidency in France would be a bigger disaster than Brexit or Trump

A moribund and dull French election has woken up with a vengeance, to the point where a victory for far-right candidate Marine Le Pen is now a possibility. John Lichfield looks at whether this is likely, and what it would mean for France.

OPINION: A Le Pen presidency in France would be a bigger disaster than Brexit or Trump
Rassemblement National candidate Marine Le Pen. Photo by Ludovic MARIN / POOL / AFP

The presidential election campaign fell asleep for many weeks. In the final days before this Sunday’s first round, it has not so much woken up as started to sleep-walk towards a calamity.

A Marine Le Pen victory in Round Two on April 24th is far from certain. I still believe that it is unlikely. It can no longer be discounted.

Arguably that would be a bigger disaster for France than Brexit has been for Britain or Donald Trump was for the United States.

Le Pen – let us recall – wants to make Vladimir Putin an ally, discriminate against foreigners, ban Muslim women from wearing headscarves in public, disobey EU rules and suspend some French EU payments. Her economic programme is incoherent and self-contradictory. No one in her near-bankrupt party could run a whelk stall, let alone a ministry.

The electoral arithmetic is strange. There is certainly a majority in the country which would like dump to President Emmanuel Macron.

I doubt that there is a majority which actually wants Marine Le Pen – pro-Putin, anti-European, politically sly but fundamentally lazy and incompetent – to become President of the Republic at a time when France and Europe face a deepening and lengthy military and economic crisis over Ukraine.

France is, in a sense, hoist on the fragility and dangers of its binary electoral system and its pathological tendency to hate whichever national politician that it last elected. No President has been re-elected for 20 years; no government has been rolled over by voters since 1978.

 A permanent “alternation” between soft Right and soft Left seemed harmless until the country became fed up with the serial failures of both. The old governing “families” of Left and Right currently command 10 percent of the national vote between them – 2 percent for the centre left Parti Socialiste and 8 percent for the centre-right Les Républicains.

Their demise has left a choice between an ill-understood and badly sold but partially successful attempt to reform the status quo and an ill-thought-out destruction of France’s tolerant, pro-European post-war consensus.

France will probably vote in Round Two on April 24th for either a) an incompetent extremist posing as the sympathetic, pragmatic mother-of-the-nation or b) a young President who is – wrongly in my view – widely detested as a puppet of International Big Business and the hated “rich”.

Macron made many mistakes in the last  five years but he has brought unemployment down to its lowest level in nearly two decades (7.4 percent). The response of French voters? Gratitude? Recognition?  Unemployment, once voters’ number one or number two concern, has slipped to 14th.   

There is just a possibility that the hard-left candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon, will pip Le Pen for a place in the run-off. If so, all polls suggest that Macron would beat him easily.

Not so if he faces Le Pen. Not any more.  

One poll now gives Macron only a 2 point lead in Round Two. The average of all polls gives him an eight point lead – 54 percent to 46 percent. A month ago his lead over Le Pen was 12 points.

In Sunday’s first round, Macron’s average lead is now 5 points – 27 percent for him, 22 percent for Le Pen and 16 percent for Mélenchon. All the nine others are in single figures. A month ago Macron was at 30 percent and Le Pen on 16 percent.

What on earth happened?

In some ways the figures are misleading. The rival Putin-idolising far-right candidate Eric Zemmour has melted down since Russia invaded Ukraine. From 16 percent in January, Zemmour  is now down to 8-9 percent. His votes have gone back to Le Pen. Overall, the Far Right vote remains unchanged at 32-34 percent.

Macron has fallen from his post-invasion, rally-to-the-flag peak of 31percent. But he remains ahead of his long-term pre Ukraine average of 23-24 percent.

Le Pen’s “surge” is therefore partially an illusion but momentum is the greatest asset in electoral politics. Momentum creates momentum.

 The number of people saying that they will definitely vote on Sunday has crept up from 67 percent to 71 percent in some polls. The extra voters may well be weighted towards the younger, poorer, less educated social categories which turn out reluctantly but vote heavily for Le Pen if they do.

 A couple of weeks ago, when Macron was far ahead, they saw no reason to vote. Now they do.

It also has to be said that Le Pen has fought a skilful campaign and Macron has lacked energy and focus since he belatedly tore himself away from the Ukraine crisis and formally entered the race.

Le Pen chose high prices and low wages as her battleground long before the Ukraine crisis sent fuel and some food prices soaring. Unlike Zemmour, she has suffered only briefly (so far) from the Russian savagery in Ukraine and her long-standing Putin-idolatry.

She had originally wanted to make her friendship with dear Vladimir a selling point. There was a Putin photo feature in a Le Pen campaign leaflet which has had to be shredded by the thousand.

The Macron campaign is only just starting to remind voters of the Le Pen-Putin axis and that, even now, she disapproves of strong sanctions on Russia and arms shipments to Ukraine.  

Macron, until the last couple of days, has misjudged his campaign, either from over-confidence and exhaustion or a combination of both. He is finally showing some appetite for the fight.

That is one reason to believe that the two-week-long, second round campaign will have a different mood and a different dynamic. Le Pen’s Putin baggage will resurface. The incoherence of her economic programme will become clearer.

Despite talk of the demise of the “Republican Front” to  freeze out the Far Right, leaders of both Left and Right (with some exceptions) will pile in behind Macron and against Le Pen in the second round.

In the first round French voters indulge themselves. In the second round they choose the person who seems best equipped to be head of state (who can then be hated for the next five years).

Much depends on the first-round scores. If Le Pen is close behind Macron or snatches first place, her momentum will be maintained. If he is 3 or 4 points ahead, her momentum may be checked.

Prediction: I think Macron will be re-elected but it will be depressingly close.

To hear more election analysis from John, check out the Talking France podcast.

Member comments

  1. Please do NOT publish hate-fueled “opinion” in The Local. It is inappropriate, unnecessary, and will cause you to lose subscribers, like me.

  2. I do not think it matters who wins, all the candidates are anti-foreigner and slightly fascist.
    They all want to make life harder for both those who are here and those who want to move here.
    Le Pen is no angel, but Macron is no saviour.
    Personally – I do not think it will make much difference who gets elected.
    To be honest – 1 term in office is not really long enough to drive change, as Macron has discovered.
    But it is time that the other parties put up new candidates, how many times does it take to get the message no one wants them? some are standing for the 4th time and have not been close to being elected

  3. Nothing wrong with Brexit, Johnny. Don’t forget 51% of Britain wanted it.
    Nothing wrong with Trump either. He was voted in by the Americans too.
    Macron needs to leave, he is a total disaster.

  4. you guys are so left, it’s insane . You never care for French history or language. You left wing nuts

  5. When someone writes “Arguably that would be a bigger disaster for France than Brexit has been for Britain” it hardly inspires much confidence in what else he writes as it is clearly written by a biased person. I expect Mr Lichfield wants Brexit to be a disaster for Britain, and that he is willing it to be so to justify his personal feelings on the matter. Shouldn’t The Local be more neutral in its commentaries on political life?

  6. When a historian looks back in 2100 on Trump in the US, Brexit/Johnson in the UK and potentially Le Pen in France, my bet is that Brexit will for the UK be much more significant relatively speaking than the other 2 for their own countries.
    Why?
    Because Trumps term was 4 years (or max 8 years, if he win re-election), Le Pen may be for 5 (max 10 years – heaven forbid) – but Brexit for 75+years.
    No one in living memory is going to vote for accepting perfidious UK back into the EU – it only takes one Member State to block the entry with another “Non” (hint).

  7. If The Local continues to be a vehicle for hateful articles like this, I will cancel my paying subscription. I trust that threatening to cancel my subscription is considered a constructive comment.

    I subscribe to The Local to learn about France, not to be subjected to leftist political demagoguery. This is not the first time that Mr. Lichfield has engaged in this sort of leftist/woke propaganda. I think that it is high time for The Local to put and end to his ranting. The Local is not, or was not, a political publication.

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PROTESTS

IN PICTURES: Thousands march for wages and peace in France

Thousands of people took to the streets to demonstrate in France on May 1st, with unions calling for wages, peace in Gaza and a "more protective" Europe.

IN PICTURES: Thousands march for wages and peace in France

From Marseille to Lyon, Rennes and Toulouse, processions of people bearing Palestinian flags as well as those of the unions reflected these multiple slogans.

“I am here for the workers, it is important to rally for our rights, but also to denounce the terrible situation in Gaza and Palestine. This must stop,” said Louise, 27, in Paris.

In the run-up to the European elections on June 9, several political leaders were involved, such as Fabien Roussel (PCF) in Lille and Manon Aubry (LFI) in Lyon.

In Saint-Etienne, the head of the Socalists’ list Raphaël Glucksmann was prevented from joining the procession after paint was thrown and a few dozen activists hurled insults.

French workers’ unions’ leaders march behind a banner during Labour Day protests in Paris on May 1, 2024. (Photo by ALAIN JOCARD / AFP)

Marseille was one of the first processions to take place with between 3,000 (according to police estimates), and 8,000 (according to CGT union estimates) people taking part, marching behind a banner that read “Mobilised for peace and social progress”.

In Rennes, the demonstration attracted 1,400 demonstrators, according to the prefecture, while in Nantes, where there were several thousand people, there were violent incidents and damage to property.

Between 6,500 (police) and 13,000 (CGT) people marched in Lyon, with at least 17 people arrested due to damage and tensions with the police.

Protestors clash with French anti-riot police during a May Day rally in Nantes, western France, on May 1, 2024. (Photo by LOIC VENANCE / AFP)

There were also between 4,000 (unions) and 1,850 (police) protesters in Bordeaux and between 3,000 and 8,000 in Toulouse.

In Lille, the procession brought together between 2,100 (police) and 4,000 people (CGT).

In Paris, the demonstration set off shortly after 2.00pm from Place de la République towards Nation, with the CFDT and Unsa unions marching alongside the CGT, FSU and Solidaires.

‘Very worrying’

In Paris, Sylvie Démange, a 59-year-old librarian, pointed out the “very worrying” social context, citing “the rise of the extreme right”, “wage inequalities” or the vertical attitude of the government.

The CGT, FSU and Solidaires, as well as youth organisations including Unef, Fage and MNL (National High School Movement), had launched a joint appeal in particular “against austerity”, for employment and wages or peace again.

A person holds a heart-shaped pillow reading in French “Macron, I hate you with all my heart” during the May Day protest in Paris on May 1, 2024. (Photo by OLYMPIA DE MAISMONT / AFP)

The CFDT union called for people to “join the processions organised throughout France, to demand a more ambitious and more protective Europe for workers”.

Last year, the eight main French unions (CFDT, CGT, FO, CFE-CGC, CFTC, Unsa, Solidaires, FSU) marched together against pension reform.

Nationally, 120,000 to 150,000 demonstrators were expected, according to a note from the French intelligence services seen by AFP.

This is significantly less than last year when protests united nearly 800,000 demonstrators, according to authorities, and 2.3 million, according to the CGT. In 2022, the police counted around 116,000 demonstrators and the CGT 210,000.

People burn Olympic rings made from cardboard during the May Day protest in Paris on May 1, 2024. (Photo by Alain JOCARD / AFP)

According to the CGT, turnout is “a little bit higher than May 1, 2022”, so “societal anger is definitely present”, said Sophie Binet.

In Paris, between 15,000 and 30,000 people were expected by the authorities, including 400 to 800 radical demonstrators.

By 2.40 pm, police had carried out checks on 917 people and arrested 25.

According to police sources, 12,000 police officers and gendarmes were to be mobilised over the course of the day, including 5,000 in Paris.

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