SHARE
COPY LINK

POLITICS

Tried and tested or comeback king? Two men after Merkel’s job

The frontrunner to replace Angela Merkel as German chancellor is an experienced finance minister, but his opponent has the reputation of being a comeback king.

Tried and tested or comeback king? Two men after Merkel's job
Olaf Scholz (r) and Armin Laschet (l) at a TV duel ion August. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Michael Kappeler

The race to replace Merkel has boiled down to a competition between Vice Chancellor Olaf Scholz of the centre-left Social Democrats and Armin Laschet of Merkel’s CDU-CSU conservative alliance.

Here’s a look at the two main pretenders to Merkel’s throne.

Safe pair of hands

As finance minister and vice-chancellor under Merkel, Scholz is one of Germany’s most influential politicians with a reputation for being meticulous, confident and fiercely ambitious.

He enjoys a close relationship with Merkel and has even sought to position himself as the true Merkel continuity candidate, appearing on the cover of the Sueddeutsche Zeitung magazine adopting her famous “rhombus” hand gesture.

Nicknamed the “Scholzomat” for his robotic speeches, Scholz has hardly stood out for his charisma in the run-up to the election and has admitted himself that he is “not someone who is particularly emotional in politics”.

But the 63-year-old has also benefited from not making any embarrassing mistakes on the campaign trail.

READ MORE:

When he was attacked by Laschet during a TV debate over police searches carried out at the finance ministry, Scholz kept his cool, accused Laschet of “twisting the facts”, and was promptly voted the winner of the debate.

Born in the northern city of Osnabrueck, Scholz trained as a lawyer and specialised in labour issues before being elected to the national parliament in 1998. He married fellow SPD politician Britta Ernst that same year.

He was the mayor of Hamburg for many years, overseeing the development of the wildly expensive but cherished Elbphilharmonie concert hall.

But generally speaking, he is seen as fiscally conservative and a staunch defender of Germany’s famed budget discipline — an approach that has at times left him marginalised within his own workers’ party.

Scholz was overlooked in a leadership vote in 2019 in favour of two relatively unknown left-wingers, but has got behind the SPD’s flagship
policies in the election campaign, backing a planned wealth tax and an increase in the minimum wage.

Comeback king?

Laschet’s election campaign has been marred by gaffes, but the affable Rhinelander has a reputation for endurance and what Der Spiegel magazine has described as an ability to “sit out” his opponents — a talent that may yet land him Germany’s top job.

The CDU chief won the conservatives’ nomination to be chancellor candidate after a drawn-out battle with the more popular Markus Soeder of the CSU, the CDU’s Bavarian sister party.

Asked in a recent TV interview whether he thought he was often underestimated, Laschet replied that “many have certainly miscalculated”.

Laschet was born in Aachen, the spa city in western Germany near the border with Belgium and the Netherlands where his father fed the family digging for coal.

“When you’re down in the mine, it doesn’t matter where your colleague comes from, what his religion is or what he looks like. What is important is, can you rely on him,” he told party colleagues earlier this year.

Laschet, 60, has a reputation for pragmatism and the ability to unify, famously standing by Merkel during the fallout from Germany’s 2015 refugee influx.

“Polarising is easy — anyone can do it,” he told a party conference in January.

“We have to speak plainly, but not polarise. We have to be able to integrate. Keeping a society together and bringing it together, that is hard
work.”

Laschet’s hero is Charlemagne, the king of the Franks credited with uniting Europe whose empire was based in Aachen, and his family has even said they are direct descendants.

The father-of-three was elected to the Bundestag German parliament in 1994 and to the European Parliament in 1999, and has been the state premier of North Rhine-Westphalia since 2017.

Member comments

Log in here to leave a comment.
Become a Member to leave a comment.

CLIMATE CRISIS

INTERVIEW: ‘Failed climate policies are fuelling far-right politics in Germany’

Alt-right political parties tend to oppose environmental protections, but is there a connection between their political success and climate policy failures? Author and thought-leader Sandrine Dixson-Declève explains why Germany may be having a ‘1930s moment’, and why the next elections are gravely important.

INTERVIEW: 'Failed climate policies are fuelling far-right politics in Germany'

It’s understood that far-right and populist political parties tend to either downplay the realities of climate change, or block progressive policies that would try to mitigate its impacts. But the link between failed climate policies and the recent rise of populist parties is rarely addressed.

Speaking as a panellist at the Green Tech Festival in Berlin on Thursday, climate policy thought-leader Sandrine Dixson-Declève voiced concern that poor climate and economic policies are fuelling the popularity of far-right politics in Germany and across Europe. 

Co-president of the Club of Rome, Dixson-Declève works to promote policies that she believes would help secure a sustainable future for humanity. Such policies are laid out in the book Earth for All: A Survival Guide for Humanity, that she co-authored.

The Local spoke with Sandrine Dixson-Declève about Germany’s climate policy failures, and why she thinks the upcoming European elections are of the utmost importance.

The shortcomings of Germany’s ‘Energiewende’ had serious political consequences

Having been a contributor and advisor to Germany’s Energiewende (energy transition), Dixson-Declève has followed German politics and environmental policy for years.

“I believe that one of the biggest mistakes was that we politicised energy policy in Germany from the outset,” she told The Local, adding, “Merkel actually accepted the big green push to pull out of nuclear, which actually created a big mess.”

Germany’s anti-nuclear energy movement dates back to the 19070s, and led to the foundation of the Green party. Under Merkel’s leadership, a plan was adopted to phase out nuclear power with the last three nuclear power plants taken offline in 2023.

But losing nuclear power as an energy source came with some serious consequences.

“The first big mess was the continued burning of coal,” Dixson-Declève explained. “The second big mess was Nord Stream 2, and that led to the invasion of Ukraine…because it gave Putin power.”

Still, she wouldn’t suggest that Germany try to revive its nuclear power now: “I believe that Germany needs to really think through the next steps.”

READ ALSO: ‘Nuclear power is a dead horse in Germany’: Scholz rejects reopening plants 

Protestors run past riot police

A wave of protestors break through police lines at Lützerath. Open pit coal mining in west Germany destroyed most of the Hambach Forest, as well as dozens of villages such as Lützerath. At both sites massive citizen protests were met with brutal police evictions. Photo by Paul Krantz.

Energy efficiency is the missing piece to Germany’s climate plans

How to build up renewable energy infrastructure is at the centre of most discourse around curbing fossil fuel use, but using the energy we have more efficiently arguably deserves more immediate attention.

“The other missing link, which no one talks about, is energy efficiency,” Dixson-Declève said. “Actually the best energy is the energy you don’t use. That is unsexy, and that is why energy efficiency hasn’t been taken up the way it should have been since 2010.”

While working on climate and energy plans in 2010, she says she came across a study that said Europe could wean itself off of Russian gas just by putting energy efficiency requirements in place for buildings.

In 2022 the European Commission finally began to take this idea seriously when Germany and Europe suddenly needed to replace Russian gas imports, following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Another massive energy saver that has been politicised for all the wrong reasons in Germany is heat pumps.

According to Eurostat data, about half of all energy consumed in the EU is used for heating and cooling, and most of that energy comes from fossil fuels. Heat pumps are significantly more efficient than boilers and allow for greater use of renewable energy sources.

But when Economy Minister Robert Habeck led an effort to promote heat pumps by banning new fossil-powered heating systems, conservative and far-right parties jumped on the issue as if it were an attack on personal freedoms. 

“As environmentalists, we need to get better at translating the environmental narrative into something that resonates with people,” said Dixson-Declève. 

READ ALSO: Reader question – How do I install a heat pump in my German property?

A unified coalition government that is serious about climate protections might have better communicated to people that heat pumps would ultimately save them money: “They should have been enabled in a way that truly assisted people in getting the heat that they needed in an affordable way at the right time.”

‘I am very scared we are in a 1930s moment’

Whereas the coalition government has largely failed to communicate to voters how environmental policies will improve their lives and save them money, conservative and far-right parties have done extremely well at hijacking the narrative. 

The European People’s Party (EPP – the EU’s largest conservative party), for example, is particularly adept at using citizens’ economic concerns to block environmental policies.

Having analysed the EPP’s manifestos, Dixson-Declève notes that they acknowledge the need to mitigate climate change, but say that protections cannot cost. 

“I think the EPP has done a very good job both of putting in fear of the greens, [as if] they’re only going to think about green climate policies and not about social policies [whereas] we’re here to think about you.”

Sandrine Dixson-Declève with Earth for All

Sandrine Dixson-Declève holds up a copy of the book ‘Earth for All’ alongside two of the book’s co-authors. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Wolfgang Kumm

Germany’s far-right parties tend to use similar messaging to try and convince voters that they will better improve the lives of citizens than the current coalition parties have. 

READ ALSO: Why are the far-right AfD doing so well in German polls?

Nearly 100 years ago, the National Socialist (Nazi) party succeeded in drumming up major support along similar lines.

Speaking as a panellist at Berlin’s Green Tech Festival, when asked how she thought European politicians were doing on climate issues, Dixson-Declève described them as deer in the headlights, adding, “I am very scared we are in a 1930s moment”.

“I think that in the 1930s we didn’t see Hitler coming, we didn’t read the tea leaves,” she told The Local, adding that in the present moment, “people are suffering. When people suffer, they look to anything, any message that’s going to make them feel like that next leader is going to help them.” 

She also suggests that we can’t count on the youth vote to save us, citing Argentina and Portugal as two places where young voters have actually pushed politics to the right recently.

READ ALSO: A fight for the youth vote: Are German politicians social media savvy enough?

“This is a tipping moment politically, and if we’re not careful, it could explode in our faces,” said Dixson-Declève. “We need to get as many people to vote this year [as possible]. It’s an absolutely fundamental vote, alongside the United States, in order to make sure that we don’t slide to the right across Europe.”

SHOW COMMENTS