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THURINGIA

AfD surges to second place in Thuringia state elections

Germany's far-right AfD scored further gains Sunday, in the ex-communist eastern state of Thuringia, at the expense of big parties such as Angela Merkel's centre-right CDU.

AfD surges to second place in Thuringia state elections
AfD leader Björn Höcke celebrating the party's election results. Photo: DPA

While the far-left Die Linke party easily won with about 30 percent, the Alternative for Germany came second with 23 percent, according to early exit polls, more than doubling its result in the previous election in 2014.

Merkel's Christian Democrats (CDU), which had always received the most votes since 1990, dipped massively on Sunday.

This put the anti-immigration party in second spot, narrowly ahead of the CDU, who won about 22 percent, and far ahead of her coalition partners, the once powerful Social Democrats (SPD), who scored only eight percent.

Die Linke leader Katja Kipping reacting to initial results putting her party in first place. Photo: DPA

The AfD's strong result came despite widespread criticism after an October 9th attack in the eastern city of Halle, where a suspected neo-Nazi gunman tried and failed to storm a synagogue then shot dead two people outside.

After the bloody attack, the commissioner for combating anti-Semitism, Felix Klein, like many other critics, argued that the AfD had trafficked in incendiary anti-Jewish sentiment.

The Thuringia campaign has been marked by anger, threats and recriminations, with CDU candidate Mike Mohring labelling the AfD's local leader, the nationalist hardliner Björn Höcke, a “Nazi”.

A triumphant Höcke told supporters on Sunday that the state, 30 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, had voted for a second revolution, a “Transition 2.0”, and delivered “a clear 'no' to the ossified party landscape”.

'Personality cult'

The rise of the AfD has made it harder for the other parties to form a governing coalition, boosting the likely role of smaller players with single-digit results such as the much reduced SPD and the Greens.

The SPD plummeted to a new low of eght to 8.5 percent, compared to 12.4 in 2014. The Greens were at 5.5 percent (5.7 percent in 2014) and had to fear for their return to parliament.

The FDP came in at 5.0 to 5.5 percent, close to the five-percent hurdle needed to enter parliament.

Overall voter turnout rose significantly to around 66 percent, up from 52.7 percent in 2014.

In Thuringia, the only state ruled by Die Linke, the post-election situation is complicated further by the CDU's refusal to cooperate with the hard-left party, despite the relatively moderate stance of Ramelow, a folksy former trade union official.

AfD supporters in Erfurt, Thuringia's state capital. Photo: DPA

In the eastern states of Saxony and Brandenburg last month, the AfD also scored above 20 percent to become the second-largest force.

However, in both cases the mainstream parties kept a pact not to enter into government with the far-right party, a pledge they have also made in Thuringia.

READ ALSO: Far-right AfD second-strongest force in Brandenburg and Saxony

The election in the state of just over two million people was closely watched as another snapshot of the mood in the AfD heartland, especially given the role of Höcke, a former history teacher considered extreme even within his party.

Höcke, 47, has labelled Berlin's Holocaust memorial a “monument of shame” and called for a “180-degree shift” in Germany's culture of remembrance of the crimes against humanity committed by the Nazi regime.

Signalling political ambitions at the national level, Höcke has openly challenged the AfD's senior leadership and was accused of a “personality cult” after marching into a hall escorted by flag-waving supporters.

The CDU's Mohring recently declared that “to me, Höcke is a Nazi”.

With tensions running high on the campaign trail, police have been investigating death threats against Mohring and Greens co-leader Robert Habeck, and an arson attack on an AfD campaign truck.

READ ALSO: CDU election candidate receives second far-right 'death threat'

The AfD started out as a eurosceptic fringe party before reinventing itself as an anti-Islam, anti-refugee movement to capitalize on anger over a massive influx of asylum seekers in 2015.

Its populist message has resonated most strongly with voters in Germany's former communist east where resentment lingers over lower wages and fewer job opportunities.

Ramelow on the eve of the vote said that “the AfD claims to be the party that cares. But in reality, it is a party that knows nothing but outrage”.

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ELECTIONS

Germany’s far-right AfD ahead in regional poll with anti-shutdown stance

Best known as an anti-migrant party, Germany's far-right AfD has seized on the coronavirus pandemic to court a new type of voter ahead of regional elections in the state of Saxony-Anhalt on Sunday: anti-shutdown activists.

Germany's far-right AfD ahead in regional poll with anti-shutdown stance
Björn Höcke, party chairman in Thuringia, at an election event in Merseburg, Saxony-Anhalt on May 29th. Photo: picture alliance/dpa/dpa-Zentralbild | Sebastian Willnow

“Sending so many people into poverty with so few infections is problematic for us,” is how Oliver Kirchner, the AfD’s top candidate in Saxony-Anhalt, views the measures ordered by the government to halt Covid-19 transmission.

The anti-shutdown stance seems to be paying off in the former East German state. The party is riding high in the polls and even stands a chance of winning a regional election for the first time.

READ ALSO: Germany’s far-right AfD chooses hardline team ahead of national elections

Surveys have the AfD neck-and-neck with Chancellor Angela Merkel’s CDU, with the Bild daily even predicting victory for the far-right party on 26 percent, ahead of the CDU on 25 percent.

In Saxony-Anhalt’s last election in 2016, the CDU was the biggest party, scoring 30 percent and forming a coalition with the Social Democrats (SPD) and Greens.

But the CDU has taken a hammering in the opinion polls in recent months, with voters unhappy with the government’s pandemic management and a corruption scandal involving shady coronavirus mask contracts.

Social deprivation

A victory for the AfD would spell a huge upset for the conservatives just four months ahead of a general election in Germany — the first in 16 years not to feature Merkel.

They started out campaigning against the euro currency in 2013. Then in 2015 they capitalised on public anger over Merkel’s 2015 decision to let in a wave of asylum seekers from conflict-torn countries such as Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq.

The party caused a sensation in Germany’s last general election in 2017 when it secured almost 13 percent of the vote, entering parliament for the first time as the largest opposition party.

Troubled by internal divisions and accusations of ties to neo-Nazi fringe groups, the party has more recently seen its support at the national level stagnate at between 10 and 12 percent.

READ ALSO: Germany’s far-right AfD investigated over election ties

The party is also controversial in Saxony-Anhalt itself. In state capital Magdeburg, posters showing local candidate Hagen Kohl have been defaced with Hitler moustaches and the words “Never again”.

For wine merchant Jan Buhmann, 57, victory for the far-right party would be a “disaster”.

“The pandemic has shown that we need new ideas. We need young people, we need dynamism in the state. For me, the AfD does not stand for that,” he said.

Yet the AfD’s core supporters have largely remained unwavering in the former East German states.

For pensioner Hans-Joachim Peters, 73, the AfD is “the only party that actually tells it like it is”.

Politicians should “think less about Europe and more about Germany”, he told AFP in Magdeburg. AfD campaigners there were handing out flyers calling for “resistance” and “an end to all anti-constitutional restrictions on our liberties”.

Political scientist Hajo Funke of Berlin’s Free University puts the AfD’s core strength in eastern Germany down to “social deprivation and frustration” resulting from problems with reunification.

The party’s latest anti-corona restrictions stance has also helped it play up its anti-establishment credentials, adding some voters to its core base, he said.

Other east German states in which the AfD has a stronghold, such as Saxony and Thuringia, continue to have the highest 7-day incidences per 100,000 residents in the country. Saxony-Anhalt’s 7-day incidence, however, currently is below the national average (31.3) as of Wednesday June 3rd.

READ ALSO: Why are coronavirus figures so high in German regions with far-right leanings?

Hijab snub

Funke predicted the AfD would attract broadly the same voters in
Saxony-Anhalt as it did in 2016, when it won 24 percent of the vote.

“Some have dropped off because the party is too radical, some radicals who didn’t vote are now voting and some of those who are anti-corona are also voting for the AfD,” he said.

The Sachsen-Anhalt-Monitor 2020 report, commissioned by the local government, found that the main concern for voters in the region was the economic fallout from the pandemic. But the AfD’s core selling point — immigration and refugees — was number two on their list.

According to AfD candidate Kirchner, many people in Saxony-Anhalt still view the influx of refugees to Germany “very critically”.

“And I think they are right,” he said at a campaign stand in Magdeburg decked in the AfD’s signature blue. “Who is going to rebuild Syria? Who is going to do that if everyone comes here?”

When a young woman wearing a hijab walked past the stand, no one attempted to hand her a flyer.

By Femke Colborne

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