SHARE
COPY LINK

POLITICS

ANALYSIS: How the rebel Five Star Movement joined Italy’s establishment

Born ten years ago from a grassroots rebellion against traditional politics, Italy's Five Star Movement has evolved into a party capable of forging alliances with the far-right and now the left.

ANALYSIS: How the rebel Five Star Movement joined Italy's establishment
Five Star supporters rally in Rome before the EU elections. Photo: Filippo Monteforte/AFP

Founded by comedian Beppe Grillo and digital marketing specialist Gianroberto Casaleggio, the anti-establishment M5S initially refused any alliances.

But March 2018 elections saw the M5S become the biggest party in Italian politics with 32 percent of the vote, and they eventually formed a coalition with Matteo Salvini's populist, anti-migrant League.

A little over a year later, the M5S is now in talks with the centre-left Democratic Party (PD) to form a new coalition after Salvini tried to bring down the government in a failed power grab.

READ ALSO: How Matteo Salvini lost his gamble to become Italy's PM – for now

The M5S has lost ground to the League over the last 14 months, dropping to 17 percent in May's European parliamentary elections, while the League went from 17 percent last year to 34 percent this year.

“In Italy, given the constitution and the electoral law (which mixes proportional representation with first past the post), the only way to enter into power is to make compromises and that's what M5S has learned,” said Emiliana De Blasio, political science lecturer at Rome's Luiss University.

“Without these compromises, they would have stayed in the corner of the political landscape without ever being able to play a role in the country's public life,” she told AFP.

EXPLAINED:


The Five Star Movement's current leader, Luigi Di Maio. Photo: Filippo Monteforte/AFP

The M5S is atypical in its organisation and ideology, neither right- nor left-wing, but rather created as an alternative to “establishment” parties, as typified by their latest ally, the PD.

Its transformation from protest movement to governing party played out in successive elections, starting in 2013 when it came in a surprise third place.

At the time, it was the charismatic Grillo and his diatribes against Italy's political “caste” that dominated the M5S. Dignity, hope, transparency were the watchwords on Grillo's extremely popular blog and in his rally speeches. 

“This position seduced voters exasperated by a political class characterised by scandals and corruption, who felt abandoned by those in government,” said political analyst Gianfranco Pasquino.

“But once in government the movement was confronted with the reality of power and had to change its political line on a raft of subjects, which disconcerted its own voters,” Pasquino told AFP.

READ ALSO: A new direction for Italy's M5S? Beppe Grillo distances himself from the party he founded


Beppe Grillo continue to attend party rallies but is not longer the Movement's leader. Photo: Alberto Pizzoli/AFP

This change coincided with the naming of Luigi Di Maio as the Movement's political leader. In his 30s, with a relatively slick image compared to the unkempt Grillo, the choice of Di Maio showed a party transformed and ready to move on from its purely protest logic.

Besides forming political alliances, Di Maio's M5S changed course on several policies, notably on remaining in the eurozone. For years M5S had a highly eurosceptic position, which went as far as calling for a consultative referendum on keeping the single currency.

But days before the March 2018 election, the M5S abandoned any mention of leaving the European Union.

READ ALSO: The Five Star digital voting platform that could threaten a government deal in Italy

The Movement is founded on the idea of participatory democracy, and any future coalition deal with their former bitter rival the PD will be put to a vote on M5S's “Rousseau” online platform.

“Returning to the Rousseau system is going back to the M5S roots and a way to reassure long-term activists that the movement has not been perverted by power and that the grassroots still count, even if they don't count that much anymore,” said De Blasio.

“Especially from a democratic point of view, the fact that 100,000 people — the number of those signed up to Rousseau — will vote in the name of the 10 million Italians who voted M5S in 2018, is questionable,” she said. 

By AFP's Franck Iovene

Member comments

Log in here to leave a comment.
Become a Member to leave a comment.
For members

POLITICS

How much control does Giorgia Meloni’s government have over Italian media?

There's been renewed debate over the state of press freedom in Italy following warnings that Meloni's administration is seeking "control" of Italy's media. But what's behind these reports?

How much control does Giorgia Meloni's government have over Italian media?

Press freedom is at the centre of fresh debate in Italy this week after Spanish newspaper El País on Saturday published an article titled “Meloni wants all the media power in Italy.”

The report, which was picked up by Italian newspaper La Repubblica, suggests that the Italian prime minister and her right-wing executive is looking to “monopolise” national print and broadcast outlets

It follows reports in English-language media recently describing how Meloni is accused of trying to stamp her authority on Italian arts and media in what critics call a “purge” of dissenting voices.

Meloni and members of her administration have long faced accusations of trying to silence journalists and intimidate detractors. Media organisations say this often takes the form of high-profile politicians bringing lawsuits against individual journalists, and cite the defamation case brought by Meloni against anti-mafia reporter Roberto Saviano in 2023 as a prime example.

READ ALSO: Six things to know about the state of press freedom in Italy

Discussions over media independence aren’t new in Italy, as the country has consistently ranked poorly in the annual Press Freedom reports by Reporters without Borders in recent years. Italy came in 41st out of 180 in the 2023 ranking, which made it the worst country in western Europe for press freedom.

But what’s behind the recent allegations that the government is trying to exert a more direct influence?

Meloni, Porta a Porta

Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni on Italian national TV show Porta a Porta in Rome on April 4th 2024. Photo by Filippo MONTEFORTE / AFP

National television

The article from El País accuses Meloni’s cabinet of effectively controlling Italy’s two biggest national broadcasters: state-owned RAI and commercial broadcaster Mediaset.

While Mediaset and its three main channels (Rete 4, Canale 5 and Italia 1) have long been seen as ‘loyal’ to Meloni’s executive – the network was founded by the late Silvio Berlusconi, whose Forza Italia party continues to be a key member of the ruling coalition – the government’s ties with public broadcaster RAI are more complex.

Unlike state-owned broadcasters in other European countries, RAI is not controlled by a regulatory body but rather by the government itself, which means that the network has always been particularly susceptible to political influences. 

But Meloni’s cabinet is accused of exerting unprecedented power over the broadcaster following the replacement of former top executives with figures considered closer to the government.

Salvini, RAI

Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini speaks with Italian journalist Bruno Vespa during the talk show Porta a Porta, broadcast on Italian channel Rai 1. Photo by Andreas SOLARO / AFP

Last May, Carlo Fuortes resigned as RAI’s CEO saying that he couldn’t possibly “accept changes opposed to RAI’s interests”. He was replaced by centrist Roberto Sergio, who in turn appointed Giampaolo Rossi – a “loyalist” of Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party – as the network’s general director. 

Sergio and Rossi’s appointment was closely followed by a general management reshuffle which saw figures close to the government occupy key positions within the company. This led to critics and journalists dubbing the network ‘TeleMeloni’.

Print media 

Besides concerns over its sway on Italy’s main broadcast networks, Meloni’s executive is currently under heavy scrutiny following the rumoured takeover of Italy’s AGI news agency by the right-wing Angelucci publishing group. 

The group is headed by Antonio Angelucci, an MP for Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini’s hard-right League party, and owner of three right-wing newspapers: Il Giornale, Libero and Il Tempo.

News of the potential takeover from Angelucci sparked a series of strikes and demonstrations from the news agency’s journalists in recent weeks, with reporters raising concerns over the independence and autonomy of journalists in the event of an ownership change.

The leader of the centre-left Democratic Party Elly Schlein weighed in on the matter last week, saying that the sale of Italy’s second-largest news agency to a ruling coalition MP would be “inadmissible”.

Further debate over press freedom in the country emerged in early March after three journalists from the left-wing Domani newspaper were accused of illegally accessing and publishing private data regarding a number of high-profile people, including Defence Minister Guido Crosetto, and the late Silvio Berlusconi’s girlfriend. 

The newspaper has so far condemned the investigation, saying it is “a warning to Domani and all journalists” and a further threat to media independence in a country ranked amongst the worst in Europe for press freedom.

SHOW COMMENTS