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MIGRANT

German far-right capitalizes on migrant crimes in EU elections campaign

"Refugees are bringing crime into our town," an election leaflet declares – an example of how Germany's far-right feeds its narrative of a country threatened by more than a million new arrivals.

German far-right capitalizes on migrant crimes in EU elections campaign
Anti-foreigner protesters in Chemnitz on September 1st 2018 following the death of a man in the eastern German city. Photo: DPA

Alternative for Germany (AfD) hopes the strategy that made it the biggest opposition party in 2017's general election will pay off once again next month, when voters elect a new European Parliament.

READ: 'We need to unite': Germany's far-right seeks Europe-wide alliance

Its 12.6-percent score almost two years ago was a shock to the political system, bringing 94 far-right MPs into a legislature with a history of moderation going back to 1949.

Hammering the message that led to its success, AfD lead candidate Jörg Meuthen said: “Germany can no longer take in migrants.”

“Knife attacks, rapes and violent acts against women are proportionally more likely to be committed by people from a Muslim cultural background than by 'people from here',” he asserted.

Police statistics show that 38.6 percent of violent crimes were committed by foreigners in 2018, but crime in Germany is also at its lowest since the country's reunification in 1990.

“Every single news story in which foreigners are implicated, especially migrants, is blown out of proportion and generalized” to the whole non-German population, argued Miro Dittrich of the anti-racist Amadeu Antonio Foundation.

'Fake news'

Already-existing fears of the migrant threat were turbocharged on December 31st, 2015.

Germans were horrified as dozens of women reported falling victim to sexual violence at New Year's Eve street celebrations around Cologne's main train station.

The acts blamed mostly on young asylum seekers formed the foundation for the far-right's narrative of dangerous foreigners.

Since then, the names of towns and cities where individual crimes have been committed by migrants or asylum seekers have resonated through the media and social networks.

Among them is a case in Kandel, near the French border, where a 15-year-old girl was stabbed to death by her Afghan ex-boyfriend.

Tributes in Kandel to the 15-year-old girl called Mia who was killed. Photo: DPA

Armed with her photo and slogans about her death, the local AfD branch organized demonstrations against Chancellor Angela Merkel's asylum policy for months afterwards.

And in Chemnitz, AfD supporters marched against migrants on several occasions after the knife killing of a German man.

A Syrian man is standing trial for the stabbing.

Invented episodes of violence by migrants also frequently make the rounds online, building on the climate of fear generated by true events.

The aim is often to depict any and all Muslim asylum seekers as potential killers or rapists.

One far-right blog chronicles women's lives “since the invasion” as apparently marked only by sexual violence and murder.

One post that was retweeted thousands of times described how a woman's body was thrown into a ditch after she was assaulted by a migrant. But the suspect later turned out to be someone close to the victim.

Police in Saxony subsequently accused a local chapter of the AfD of spreading “incendiary, repugnant and oversimplified fake news”.

READ: Why Freiburg has been rocked by protests after shocking crime

Taken out of context

“This is an old way of communicating: whatever the message is, in the end something will stick in people's heads,” anti-racist activist Dittrich said.

“One former AfD member described how the party handles information. If it turns out not to be true, they don't mind cutting corners, taking things out of context or just lying openly,” he added.

In Chemnitz and Cottbus, AfD demonstrators brandished photos supposedly showing 16 women “attacked” in Europe by “migrants” or “Muslims”.

Jörg Meuthen, the AfD's lead candidate for the European Parliament elections. Photo: DPA

But it turned out, several cases did not take place in Europe, and, with the exception of one case, there is no evidence supporting the claim that the perpetrators were migrants or Muslims.

“As far as I'm concerned, these were the images of women who fell victim to attacks,” insisted Christoph Berndt of anti-migrant group Zukunft Heimat (Homeland Future).

The group organizes monthly demonstrations in Cottbus, near the Polish frontier, urging the government to “close the borders”.

READ: A portrait of Cottbus, the German town that stopped accepting refugees

The far-right activist is a believer in the “great replacement” theory espoused by the man who shot 50 people to death and wounded dozens more at mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand last month.

Originating in Europe and echoed by AfD leaders, the conspiracy belief alleges Middle Eastern and African newcomers are set to crowd out white populations.

But while the AfD has long capitalized from its message about criminal migrants, the effect appears to be losing its power.

Latest polls predict the party scoring between 10 and 11 percent in the European Parliament elections, well below the 15 percent support it enjoyed last autumn. The party has also seen a dip in popularity in Germany  voter polls.

By David Courbet

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ELECTIONS

Germany’s far-right AfD ahead in regional poll with anti-shutdown stance

Best known as an anti-migrant party, Germany's far-right AfD has seized on the coronavirus pandemic to court a new type of voter ahead of regional elections in the state of Saxony-Anhalt on Sunday: anti-shutdown activists.

Germany's far-right AfD ahead in regional poll with anti-shutdown stance
Björn Höcke, party chairman in Thuringia, at an election event in Merseburg, Saxony-Anhalt on May 29th. Photo: picture alliance/dpa/dpa-Zentralbild | Sebastian Willnow

“Sending so many people into poverty with so few infections is problematic for us,” is how Oliver Kirchner, the AfD’s top candidate in Saxony-Anhalt, views the measures ordered by the government to halt Covid-19 transmission.

The anti-shutdown stance seems to be paying off in the former East German state. The party is riding high in the polls and even stands a chance of winning a regional election for the first time.

READ ALSO: Germany’s far-right AfD chooses hardline team ahead of national elections

Surveys have the AfD neck-and-neck with Chancellor Angela Merkel’s CDU, with the Bild daily even predicting victory for the far-right party on 26 percent, ahead of the CDU on 25 percent.

In Saxony-Anhalt’s last election in 2016, the CDU was the biggest party, scoring 30 percent and forming a coalition with the Social Democrats (SPD) and Greens.

But the CDU has taken a hammering in the opinion polls in recent months, with voters unhappy with the government’s pandemic management and a corruption scandal involving shady coronavirus mask contracts.

Social deprivation

A victory for the AfD would spell a huge upset for the conservatives just four months ahead of a general election in Germany — the first in 16 years not to feature Merkel.

They started out campaigning against the euro currency in 2013. Then in 2015 they capitalised on public anger over Merkel’s 2015 decision to let in a wave of asylum seekers from conflict-torn countries such as Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq.

The party caused a sensation in Germany’s last general election in 2017 when it secured almost 13 percent of the vote, entering parliament for the first time as the largest opposition party.

Troubled by internal divisions and accusations of ties to neo-Nazi fringe groups, the party has more recently seen its support at the national level stagnate at between 10 and 12 percent.

READ ALSO: Germany’s far-right AfD investigated over election ties

The party is also controversial in Saxony-Anhalt itself. In state capital Magdeburg, posters showing local candidate Hagen Kohl have been defaced with Hitler moustaches and the words “Never again”.

For wine merchant Jan Buhmann, 57, victory for the far-right party would be a “disaster”.

“The pandemic has shown that we need new ideas. We need young people, we need dynamism in the state. For me, the AfD does not stand for that,” he said.

Yet the AfD’s core supporters have largely remained unwavering in the former East German states.

For pensioner Hans-Joachim Peters, 73, the AfD is “the only party that actually tells it like it is”.

Politicians should “think less about Europe and more about Germany”, he told AFP in Magdeburg. AfD campaigners there were handing out flyers calling for “resistance” and “an end to all anti-constitutional restrictions on our liberties”.

Political scientist Hajo Funke of Berlin’s Free University puts the AfD’s core strength in eastern Germany down to “social deprivation and frustration” resulting from problems with reunification.

The party’s latest anti-corona restrictions stance has also helped it play up its anti-establishment credentials, adding some voters to its core base, he said.

Other east German states in which the AfD has a stronghold, such as Saxony and Thuringia, continue to have the highest 7-day incidences per 100,000 residents in the country. Saxony-Anhalt’s 7-day incidence, however, currently is below the national average (31.3) as of Wednesday June 3rd.

READ ALSO: Why are coronavirus figures so high in German regions with far-right leanings?

Hijab snub

Funke predicted the AfD would attract broadly the same voters in
Saxony-Anhalt as it did in 2016, when it won 24 percent of the vote.

“Some have dropped off because the party is too radical, some radicals who didn’t vote are now voting and some of those who are anti-corona are also voting for the AfD,” he said.

The Sachsen-Anhalt-Monitor 2020 report, commissioned by the local government, found that the main concern for voters in the region was the economic fallout from the pandemic. But the AfD’s core selling point — immigration and refugees — was number two on their list.

According to AfD candidate Kirchner, many people in Saxony-Anhalt still view the influx of refugees to Germany “very critically”.

“And I think they are right,” he said at a campaign stand in Magdeburg decked in the AfD’s signature blue. “Who is going to rebuild Syria? Who is going to do that if everyone comes here?”

When a young woman wearing a hijab walked past the stand, no one attempted to hand her a flyer.

By Femke Colborne

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