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OPINION AND ANALYSIS

ANALYSIS: Brexit vs Gilets Jaunes – is Britain or France in the greater crisis?

Britain has Brexit and France has the Gilets Jaunes, so which country is in a deeper crisis? John Lichfield thinks Britain is worse off but that neither country will recover easily from their current woes.

ANALYSIS: Brexit vs Gilets Jaunes - is Britain or France in the greater crisis?
Britain has Brexit chaos, France has violence on the streets. Photos: AFP

France and Britain are two sisters who live next door to each other. For years they have been on a political and economic see-saw. If one is up, the other is down.

We live, however, in strange times. France and Britain are suffering deep crises simultaneously.

A debate rages on the Facebook page of The Local France: “Which country is in the greater mess, Britain or France?”

Almost three years after Britain voted to leave the European Union, the country is paralysed by indecision. Crash out? Stay in? Vote again? Stay for a while and devise a better way of Brexiting?

Four months after the Gilets Jaunes rose up against Paris and the governing classes, a bizarre, Saturdays Only revolution continues. There will be a 20th “Act”, or Saturday putsch, this weekend.

 


Police and protesters will both be out in force again this weekend in Paris. Photo: AFP

The yellow vests are losing support in their provincial heartlands. They are becoming more allied with the urban hard Left. They are going nowhere but nor are they going away. Further violence is certain.

When President Emmanuel Macron mocks Brexit, he is vilified by commentators in the pro-Brexit British press. “Just look at your own country,” they shout. “Your problems are worse than ours. No one is smashing up London.”

Although Macron talks Brexit, his implied target is often the Gilets Jaunes. “People told lies (during the Brexit referendum),” he said in January. “And so the British voted for things that aren’t possible. Good look to the politicians who have to implement stuff that doesn’t exist.”

Macron was talking about Britain but he was thinking about the dottier theories and policies of the Yellow Vests, such as  permanent grass-roots government by internet referendum or lower taxes and more public spending.

That points to a sisterly similarity between the two crises.

Both are fuelled by anger at the insolent success of cities at the apparent expense of struggling rural and post-industrial areas.

Both raise the deep conundrum of how to preserve  democracy at national, or even European, level when economic power and pressing dangers, such as climate change, are now irretrievably global.

Both are manifestations of a wider crisis in liberal democracy which pits “the people” against “the elites”.

In an excellent essay this week, the editor of the French centre-left newspaper Libération, Laurent Joffrin, showed how self-serving that argument has become.

“One million people demonstrate (against Brexit) in London. They’re the elite. Four thousand (Gilets Jaunes) turn out in Paris, they’re the people.”

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A million people were on the streets of London to call on the British government to halt Brexit. Photo: AFP

As Joffrin points out, both “the people” and “the elites” are split several ways on how to solve the problems of the 21st century. A more useful distinction is between those who present intractable problems honestly and those who exploit them for ideological or personal gain.

“Populism is a form of simplism and like all forms of simplism is misleading,” Joffrin wrote.

In France the Yellow Vests would have you believe that the solution to the nations’ problems is easy-peasy.  Just abolish the political classes.

The billions freed in salaries and expenses would, they say, fund higher pensions and welfare payments and better rural services – AND allow a cut in taxes.

In fact, the total cost of “the political class” is less than 0.1 per cent of the French public budget. This, in turn, already uses up 57 per cent of the nation’s GDP – the highest in the EU, jointly with Finland.

In Britain, the Brexiteers say that there is a bright future for an “independent Britain” capable of becoming a “global power” freed from the shackles of Brussels. They lie or mislead constantly on the importance of the European single market to real UK jobs in the real world, rather than these imagined sunlit uplands of the future.

The great majority of the original Gilets Jaunes (284,000 in November) are no longer active. Those who remain are besotted by their own absolutist propaganda.

Some Brexiteer Tories are now ready to compromise to Save Brexit. A handful of them prefer the purity of their own simplistic vision to contact with coarse reality.

 


Theresa May and Emmanuel Macron are both unpopular leaders, but whose country has the bigger problems? Photo: AFP

So which country is worse off?

In France, the remaining Gilets Jaunes are a small minority from outside the “elite” or the ruling classes. In Britain, the wreckers are part of the elite and part of the ruling classes, egged on by part of the media.

I would say that makes Britain worse off. But neither country will recover easily.

Britain may now stumble into a general election and/or  a second referendum. Even if the 2016 result is reversed, the poisonous divisions of the last three years will persist. The tolerant, nonchalant Britain that I was brought up in seems no longer to exist.

In France, the Gilets Jaunes will eventually fade but the real inequities and deep delusions that they represent will not disappear.

Macron may “triumph” in the European elections in May and again in the presidential elections in 2022. In the longer term, as in Italy, or the United States, populism and “simplism” may return in a more persuasive, powerful and destructive form.

Follow @john_lichfield on Twitter

Member comments

  1. It seems to me that France’s fight is about creating more equality and opportunity amongst different classes. Brexit is about the loss of Empire and prestige. Both have economic foundations. The EU is the root cause of all this I believe. A classic bunch of unelected by the people bureaucrats who seem to want to preserve their life style. Countries have gone to war over other countries telling them what to do. GB is a shadow of what it used to be. The French are still french. GB will never be the same. Anti-Brexiters want to hold onto some sort of Britishness. The others fully want to become Belgians and are willing to loose all sense of what being British was about.

  2. The vast majority of serious Brexiteer politicians never lied about the importance of the European market. They always predicted that the EU would sign some sort of trade deal as they were net exporters to the UK. I don’t remember any Brexiteer trying to play down the importance of the EU market, apart from maybe saying that it wasn’t growing as fast as the rest of the world.

    “Some Brexiteer Tories are now ready to compromise to Save Brexit. A handful of them prefer the purity of their own simplistic vision to contact with coarse reality.” I don’t see what the second sentence has to do with the first. They are ready to compromise because they think that May’s deal is better that no Brexit because it’s a kind of a half Brexit. They still don’t like the backstop but they’re prepared to swallow it to at least get half out. The “coarse reality” is perhaps referring to leaving without a deal. Those same Brexiteers would gladly leave without a deal. They are now compromising because parliament, now, won’t leave without a deal, it will postpone. It is realpolitik.

    I am not pro Brexit. It’s a mess but I don’t understand someone who says (or quotes) “Populism is a form of simplism and like all forms of simplism is misleading” after saying “One million people demonstrate (against Brexit) in London. They’re the elite. Four thousand (Gilets Jaunes) turn out in Paris, they’re the people.” It is misleading to say that the million in London were the elite and, dare I say it, simplistic. I’m sure a large portion of that one million would balk at the notion that were part of an “elite”. And how does four thousand people equate to “the people”. These are huge generalisation and very, very simplistic.

    Joffrin says the “people” and the “elite” are split several ways but he still simplistically bundles them into two (conveniently-named) groups.

    Yes, certain demagogues both here and in the UK have tried to exploit these (non-intractable) problems for personal gain but again, not everyone. To say that everyone on the Brexit side is out for personal is a failure to understand that other side’s point of view.

    Brexit is complicated. If you see and understand both side’s point of view then it’s easy to see why we’re in the mess we’re in. It’s easy to understand why parliament is putting itself through the ringer. 650-odd people are trying to get it right; to respect the result of the referendum but without forgetting the 48% and without splitting the union in the process. It’s painful to watch but it is democracy at work. That, of course, means that it’s the worst system we’ve got…..apart from all the others!

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OPINION AND ANALYSIS

OPINION: Why Germans’ famed efficiency makes the country less efficient

Germans are famous for their love of efficiency - and impatience that comes with it. But this desire for getting things done as quickly as possible can backfire, whether at the supermarket or in national politics, writes Brian Melican.

OPINION: Why Germans' famed efficiency makes the country less efficient

A story about a new wave of “check-outs for chatting” caught my eye recently. In a country whose no-nonsense, “Move it or lose it, lady!” approach to supermarket till-staffing can reduce the uninitiated to tears, the idea of introducing a slow lane with a cashier who won’t sigh aggressively or bark at you for trying to strike up conversation is somewhere between quietly subversive and positively revolutionary – and got me thinking.

Why is it that German supermarket check-outs are so hectic in the first place?

READ ALSO: German supermarkets fight loneliness with slower check outs for chatting

If you talk to people here about it – other Germans, long-term foreign residents, and keen observers on shorter visits – you’ll hear a few theories.

One is that Germans tend to shop daily on the way home from work, and so place a higher premium on brisk service than countries where a weekly shop is more common; and it is indeed a well-researched fact that German supermarket shopping patterns are higher-frequency than in many comparable countries.

Bavarian supermarket

A sign at a now-famous supermarket in Bavaria advertises a special counter saying “Here you can have a chat”. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Karl-Josef Hildenbrand

Another theory is that, in many parts of the country (such as Bavaria), supermarket opening hours are so short that there is no other way for everyone to get their shopping done than to keep things ticking along at a good old clip.

The most simple (and immediately plausible) explanation, of course, is that supermarkets like to keep both staffing and queuing to a minimum: short-staffing means lower costs, while shorter queues make for fewer abandoned trolleys.

German love of efficiency

Those in the know say that most store chains do indeed set average numbers of articles per minute which their cashiers are required to scan – and that this number is higher at certain discounters notorious for their hard-nosed attitude.

Beyond businesses’ penny-pinching, fast-lane tills are a demonstration of the broader German love of efficiency: after all, customers wouldn’t put up with being given the bum’s rush if there weren’t a cultural premium placed on smooth and speedy operations.

Then again, as many observers not yet blind to the oddness of Germany’s daily ‘Supermarket Sweep’ immediately notice, the race to get purchases over the till at the highest possible rate is wholly counter-productive: once scanned, the items pile up faster than even the best-organised couple can stow away, leaving an embarrassing, sweat-inducing lull – and then, while people in the queue roll their eyes and huff, a race to pay (usually in cash, natch’).

In a way, it’s similar to Germany’s famed autobahns, on which there is theoretically no speed limit and on which some drivers do indeed race ahead – into traffic jams often caused by excessive velocity.

Yes, it is a classic case of more haste, less speed. We think we’re doing something faster, but actually our impatience is proving counterproductive.

German impatience

This is, in my view, the crux of the issue: Germans are a hasty bunch. Indeed, research shows that we have less patience than comparable European populations – especially in retail situations. Yes, impatience is one of our defining national characteristics – and, as I pointed out during last summer’s rail meltdown, it is one of our enduring national tragedies that we are at once impatient and badly organised.

As well as at the tills and on the roads, you can observe German impatience in any queue (which we try to jump) and generally any other situation in which we are expected to wait.

Think back to early 2021, for instance, when the three-month UK-EU vaccine gap caused something approaching a national breakdown here, and the Health Minister was pressured into buying extra doses outside of the European framework.

This infuriated our neighbours and deprived developing countries of much-needed jabs – which, predictably, ended up arriving after the scheduled ones, leaving us with a glut of vaccines which, that very autumn, had to be destroyed.

A health worker prepares a syringe with the Comirnaty Covid-19 vaccine by Biontech-Pfizer. Photo: John MACDOUGALL / AFP

Now, you can see the same phenomenon with heating legislation: frustrated by the slow pace of change, Minister for Energy and the Economy Robert Habeck intended to force property owners to switch their heating systems to low-carbon alternatives within the next few years.

The fact that the supply of said alternatives is nowhere near sufficient – and that there are too few heating engineers to fit them – got lost in the haste…

The positive side of impatience

This example does, however, reveal one strongly positive side of our national impatience: if well- directed, it can create a sense of urgency about tackling thorny issues. Habeck is wrong to force the switch on an arbitrary timescale – but he is right to try and get things moving.

In most advanced economies, buildings are responsible for anything up to 40 percent of carbon emissions and, while major industrials have actually been cutting their CO2 output for decades now, the built environment has hardly seen any real improvements.

Ideally, a sensible compromise will be reached which sets out an ambitious direction of travel – and gets companies to start expanding capacity accordingly, upping output and increasing the number of systems which can be replaced later down the line. Less haste now, more speed later.

The same is true of our defence policy, which – after several directionless decades – is now being remodelled with impressive single-mindedness by a visibly impatient Boris Pistorius.

As for the check-outs for chatting, I’m not sure they’ll catch on. However counterproductive speed at the till may be, I just don’t see a large number of us being happy to sacrifice the illusion of rapidity so that a lonely old biddy can have a chinwag. Not that we are the heartless automatons that makes us sound like: Germany is actually a very chatty country.

It’s just that there’s a time and a place for it: at the weekly farmer’s markets, for instance, or at the bus stop. The latter is the ideal place to get Germans talking, by the way: just start with “About bloody time the bus got here, eh?” So langsam könnte der Bus ja kommen, wie ich finde…

READ ALSO: 7 places where you can actually make small talk with Germans

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