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OPINION AND ANALYSIS

ANALYSIS: The yellow vests and France’s new wave of anti-Semitism

France has seen a worrying rise in anti-Semitic acts as well as the desecration of churches and attacks on politicians’ homes and offices and they may well all be linked to an extreme element of the yellow vest movement, writes John Lichfield.

ANALYSIS: The yellow vests and France’s new wave of anti-Semitism
A picture taken on December 17, 2018 in Herrlisheim shows jewish headstones tagged with swastika symbol at a Jewish cemetery, eastern France. Photo: AFP

Paris was contaminated last weekend by a rash of anti-Semitic graffiti. There was a 74 per cent increase in reported anti-Semitic behaviour in France last year.

The graffiti, including swastikas, were daubed during the night of Friday to Saturday, just before the latest Gilets Jaunes protest in Paris. The boom in anti-Semitic acts was concentrated at the end of 2018, which coincided with the rise of the yellow vests from mid- November.

President Emmanuel Macron said at the weekly cabinet meeting on Wednesday that this “new turn of events” should be “linked” to the Gilets Jaunes.

This is a little simplistic. I do not believe that the Gilets Jaunes are – at their core and in their origins – an anti-Semitic movement. In any case, the 74 per cent increase in anti-Semitic acts last year is misleading.

READ more OPINION and ANALYSIS on France from John Lichfield

(Anti-Semitic graffiti written on letter boxes displaying a portrait of late French politician and Holocaust survivor Simone Veil.AFP)

The actual number, 541 acts of violence, of verbal abuse or graffiti in 2018, was historically low. The percentage figure appears dramatic because it followed a lull or pause in anti-semitic behaviour in 2016 and 2017.

There were over 800 anti-semitic acts recorded in France in 2014 and again in 2015. The worst year recently was 2006, with over 1,000.

All of that being said, Macron may have a point.

The rash of anti-Semitic actions coincides with a series of desecrations of Catholic churches. It coincides with a sudden upturn in the random violence by extremist groups at the Gilets Jaunes protests in Paris last Saturday (Act XIII, or the 13th Saturday putsch since the movement began). It coincides with an attempt to burn down the country home of the president (speaker) of the national assembly.

I revile conspiracy theories. But I suspect that a concerted  effort is being made to ramp up the atmosphere of crisis in France as grass-roots support for the Gilets Jaunes in their rural and outer provincial heartlands declines. 

The graffiti campaign in Paris last weekend included the daubing in yellow paint of the word “juden” – Jews in German – on a bagel restaurant on the Ile Saint Louis. It also included the daubing of swastikas over images of the late, great Auschwitz survivor and former French health minister, Simone Veil.

Since the 1990s, there have been two strands of anti-Semitism in France.

There is the historic, far-right, French nationalist or ultra-Catholic strand. This goes back far beyond the Dreyfus affair of the 1900s, the Vichy government collaboration with the Nazis in the early 1940s or the rise of Jean-Marie Le Pen’s Front National in the 1970s and 1980s.

It can still be found, in mild but disgusting, form in the casual comments of well-heeled, well-educated French people from the “beaux quartiers” of Paris. I know because my children went to school with them.

Outrage in Paris over anti-Semitic graffiti on bagel restaurant window

For 30 years or so, there has also been a radical muslim and ultra-leftist strand of anti-Semitism in France, born from support for Palestine and hatred of capitalism (seen as dominated by wealthy Jews).  The revival of anti-Semitic acts, and violence, in the 1990s and the 2000’s was mostly due to this new phenomenon.

The figurehead of this “new anti-Semitism” is M’bala M’Bala Dieudonné, the stand-up comedian who has been convicted of anti-Semitic hate-speech. His emblem is the “quenelle”, an arm gesture which may or may not be a perversion of the Hitler salute. It has certainly become a widespread means of  deniable, anti-Semitic behaviour.

The kind of graffiti which appeared in Paris last weekend – the swastikas and the word “juden” – bear the finger-prints of the older, rather than the newer brand of anti-Semitism. Increasingly, however, it is difficult to tell them apart.

Anti-Semitic slogans can be found on Gilet Jaunes banners and anti-Semitic arguments in Gilets Jaunes sites on the internet. “Macron once worked for a Rothschilds bank. He is a tool of ultra-liberal, globalist forces, controlled by Jews….”

This is not something that you hear from “ordinary” yellow vests on roundabouts. Anti-Semitism has specifically been decried in several lists of Gilets Jaunes positions and demands.

But there is undeniably a sickening anti-Semitic obsession in one section of the yellow vests movement. It is tempting to attribute this influence to Dieudonné’s political mentor, Alain Soral.

Mr Soral, 60, would certainly love to claim the credit. A former speechwriter for Jean-Marie Le Pen, he met recently with a group of Gilets Jaunes spokespeople. It has long been his strategy, partly through his disciple, Dieudonné, to unite the two strains of anti-Semitism:  the far left and far right, the radical muslim and the ultra-Catholic.

He describes his own micro-party, Egalité & Réconciliation, as the “ideological inspiration” of the Gilets Jaunes, an insurrection by a France Profonde humiliated by masters of pouvoir profond”.

Who are these “masters of deep power?” Why the Jews of course.

Forces other than Mr Soral may well be responsible for the anti-Semitic graffitti, the desecration of churches and the attacks on politicians’ homes and offices. Such events may or may not be linked at all. Personally, I believe that they are.

The Gilets Jaunes are, at heart, a movement of moderate, ordinary people with radical, extraordinary demands. They say that they are non-political or anti-political. They are in danger of being led down strange paths and after strange gods.

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OPINION AND ANALYSIS

OPINION: Why Germans’ famed efficiency makes the country less efficient

Germans are famous for their love of efficiency - and impatience that comes with it. But this desire for getting things done as quickly as possible can backfire, whether at the supermarket or in national politics, writes Brian Melican.

OPINION: Why Germans' famed efficiency makes the country less efficient

A story about a new wave of “check-outs for chatting” caught my eye recently. In a country whose no-nonsense, “Move it or lose it, lady!” approach to supermarket till-staffing can reduce the uninitiated to tears, the idea of introducing a slow lane with a cashier who won’t sigh aggressively or bark at you for trying to strike up conversation is somewhere between quietly subversive and positively revolutionary – and got me thinking.

Why is it that German supermarket check-outs are so hectic in the first place?

READ ALSO: German supermarkets fight loneliness with slower check outs for chatting

If you talk to people here about it – other Germans, long-term foreign residents, and keen observers on shorter visits – you’ll hear a few theories.

One is that Germans tend to shop daily on the way home from work, and so place a higher premium on brisk service than countries where a weekly shop is more common; and it is indeed a well-researched fact that German supermarket shopping patterns are higher-frequency than in many comparable countries.

Bavarian supermarket

A sign at a now-famous supermarket in Bavaria advertises a special counter saying “Here you can have a chat”. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Karl-Josef Hildenbrand

Another theory is that, in many parts of the country (such as Bavaria), supermarket opening hours are so short that there is no other way for everyone to get their shopping done than to keep things ticking along at a good old clip.

The most simple (and immediately plausible) explanation, of course, is that supermarkets like to keep both staffing and queuing to a minimum: short-staffing means lower costs, while shorter queues make for fewer abandoned trolleys.

German love of efficiency

Those in the know say that most store chains do indeed set average numbers of articles per minute which their cashiers are required to scan – and that this number is higher at certain discounters notorious for their hard-nosed attitude.

Beyond businesses’ penny-pinching, fast-lane tills are a demonstration of the broader German love of efficiency: after all, customers wouldn’t put up with being given the bum’s rush if there weren’t a cultural premium placed on smooth and speedy operations.

Then again, as many observers not yet blind to the oddness of Germany’s daily ‘Supermarket Sweep’ immediately notice, the race to get purchases over the till at the highest possible rate is wholly counter-productive: once scanned, the items pile up faster than even the best-organised couple can stow away, leaving an embarrassing, sweat-inducing lull – and then, while people in the queue roll their eyes and huff, a race to pay (usually in cash, natch’).

In a way, it’s similar to Germany’s famed autobahns, on which there is theoretically no speed limit and on which some drivers do indeed race ahead – into traffic jams often caused by excessive velocity.

Yes, it is a classic case of more haste, less speed. We think we’re doing something faster, but actually our impatience is proving counterproductive.

German impatience

This is, in my view, the crux of the issue: Germans are a hasty bunch. Indeed, research shows that we have less patience than comparable European populations – especially in retail situations. Yes, impatience is one of our defining national characteristics – and, as I pointed out during last summer’s rail meltdown, it is one of our enduring national tragedies that we are at once impatient and badly organised.

As well as at the tills and on the roads, you can observe German impatience in any queue (which we try to jump) and generally any other situation in which we are expected to wait.

Think back to early 2021, for instance, when the three-month UK-EU vaccine gap caused something approaching a national breakdown here, and the Health Minister was pressured into buying extra doses outside of the European framework.

This infuriated our neighbours and deprived developing countries of much-needed jabs – which, predictably, ended up arriving after the scheduled ones, leaving us with a glut of vaccines which, that very autumn, had to be destroyed.

A health worker prepares a syringe with the Comirnaty Covid-19 vaccine by Biontech-Pfizer. Photo: John MACDOUGALL / AFP

Now, you can see the same phenomenon with heating legislation: frustrated by the slow pace of change, Minister for Energy and the Economy Robert Habeck intended to force property owners to switch their heating systems to low-carbon alternatives within the next few years.

The fact that the supply of said alternatives is nowhere near sufficient – and that there are too few heating engineers to fit them – got lost in the haste…

The positive side of impatience

This example does, however, reveal one strongly positive side of our national impatience: if well- directed, it can create a sense of urgency about tackling thorny issues. Habeck is wrong to force the switch on an arbitrary timescale – but he is right to try and get things moving.

In most advanced economies, buildings are responsible for anything up to 40 percent of carbon emissions and, while major industrials have actually been cutting their CO2 output for decades now, the built environment has hardly seen any real improvements.

Ideally, a sensible compromise will be reached which sets out an ambitious direction of travel – and gets companies to start expanding capacity accordingly, upping output and increasing the number of systems which can be replaced later down the line. Less haste now, more speed later.

The same is true of our defence policy, which – after several directionless decades – is now being remodelled with impressive single-mindedness by a visibly impatient Boris Pistorius.

As for the check-outs for chatting, I’m not sure they’ll catch on. However counterproductive speed at the till may be, I just don’t see a large number of us being happy to sacrifice the illusion of rapidity so that a lonely old biddy can have a chinwag. Not that we are the heartless automatons that makes us sound like: Germany is actually a very chatty country.

It’s just that there’s a time and a place for it: at the weekly farmer’s markets, for instance, or at the bus stop. The latter is the ideal place to get Germans talking, by the way: just start with “About bloody time the bus got here, eh?” So langsam könnte der Bus ja kommen, wie ich finde…

READ ALSO: 7 places where you can actually make small talk with Germans

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