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BREXIT

Battling Brexit: How a group of Brits in Europe took on the fight for citizens’ rights

As most Britons living in Europe were still reeling from the shock of the 2016 Brexit referendum, a small number of individuals and groups began to come together realising they faced a huge fight to protect rights that had always been taken for granted. This is their story.

Battling Brexit: How a group of Brits in Europe took on the fight for citizens' rights
British in Italy campaigners in Florence before British PM Theresa May gave a speech in September 2017.

To find out how this movement began from another campaign to secure the vote for millions of disenfranchised Brits abroad, read Part One of this story. Part Three: January 11th.

Ask most British nationals living abroad where they were that night Britain voted to leave the EU and they can remember.

Some watched in tears in their living rooms, others were left to console themselves in the waiting room of an airport. 

Most Brits living in the EU watched the coverage in horror as they realised the shock Brexit referendum result would change their lives forever. And what made it worse for many of them was that they had not even been allowed to vote.

“On the night of the referendum a group of friends came to my house and watched the results come in,” Fiona Godfrey, co-founder and co-chair of citizens’ rights umbrella group British in Europe, tells The Local.

“People were sitting on my living room floor crying,” she adds.

Fiona Godfrey, co-chair of British in Europe. Photo: Fiona Godfrey. 

The day after the vote, UK nationals across Europe – expert estimates for the size of the community vary from 1.2 million to 3.6 million – found themselves facing a future full of uncertainty and anxiety.

They had opted to build a life in Europe based on the rights EU treaties afforded them. With Britain voting to leave the Union and to renegotiate all aspects of its relationship with the 27-country bloc, the futures of UK nationals in Europe and EU nationals in the UK were suddenly shrouded in doubt.

The 1.2 million Brits in Europe feared – and still have reason to given the threat of a no-deal Brexit – losing access to jobs, family reunification rights, healthcare, education, social services – their lives as they know them. The same is true for at least 3 million EU nationals living in the UK. 

A map with the official number of UK nationals registered (as of January 2018) as living in each EU27 country. Image: The Local.

But some were not prepared to take it lying down.

As the mourning after the referendum continued, ordinary citizens across Europe began to morph into the largest British citizenship rights campaign for decades. At first, nobody knew they were part of something bigger than their own anger.

Watershed moments

“The feeling of rage drove us to do something,” recalls Jeremy Morgan, a British lawyer who is based in central Italy.

He and his partner Delia Dumaresq recall “being in tears at 6 am at Stansted Airport” the day after the referendum.

“It came out of the strength of feeling, of people who have exercised their rights,” he said.

Morgan and Dumaresq began to brainstorm with other Brits in Italy about what they could do. Journalist Patricia Clough and financial advisor Gareth Horsfall helped trace a web through the British community in Italy. The couple were also put in touch with journalist Giles Tremlett, who was active on the campaign for dual citizenship in Spain.

Delia Dumaresq (far left) and Jeremy Morgan (second from left) address a meeting on citizenship rights on November 20th, 2018, in Venice. Photo: British in Italy. 

In Berlin, France and Luxembourg, other groups of UK nationals had began organising themselves and creating networks.

Fiona Godfrey, 53, a British global health campaigner in Luxembourg, and a group of friends had their lightbulb moment soon after the referendum. “We went for a drink and said we must do something,” recalls Godfrey. Within 24 hours of setting up a Facebook group in July 2016, nearly 10 per cent of the country’s 6,000 Brits had joined.

Across Europe, Brits had experienced Brexit as a similar watershed moment. In Berlin, a group of campaigners who had worked on the Votes for Life campaign began to realise they had to shift the focus to citizenship rights.

British in Germany was born out of “the realisation that British citizens would have to fight for maintaining their citizenship rights in the EU,” recalls Daniel Tetlow, a British media professional in Berlin and a founder of British in Germany together with Jane Golding.

“Being heard and recognised as a serious constituency of Brits,” was the objective.

Golding, a British lawyer based in Berlin who became co-chair of the umbrella group British in Europe said: “We held a series of events on how the referendum could impact people. A lot of people’s lives were going to be affected,” she recalls.

“People asked: What is going to happen to us? Will you be there for us? Will you be there to protect our rights after the referendum?”

READ ALSO: How a group of Brits took up a struggle for millions of their co-citizens: Part One

 (Jane Golding, fourth from the right and Kalba Meadows to her right deliver a letter to Prime Minister Theresa May. Photo British in Europe)

In France, meanwhile, UK nationals also independently established groups to voice their concerns about how their lives would be affected – groups such as ECREU and Remain in France Together (RIFT).

RIFT, run by former social worker Kalba Meadows, now counts more than 11,000 members. “As we approached 2017 it was becoming apparent that we’d need to start standing up for ourselves,” Meadows, who moved to Ariége in France over a decade ago, tells The Local. 

Such fighting talk could be heard from Brits across Europe after the referendum. Groups like New Europeans were joining the battle.

The NGO, set up in 2013 by the former Labour MP for Wimbledon Roger Casale, had done a lot of work on raising awareness of what could happen to the rights of EU nationals in the UK and UK nationals in Europe even long before the referendum.

“When we set up in 2013 and we used to tell people about how a referendum could affect EU citizens' rights and the rights of Brits in Europe, people used to say: What are you talking about?” Casale tells The Local. 

Casale's New Europeans, an organisation based in London and Brussels with 1,200 members who each pay €30 per year, helped bring together some of the key figures who went on to lead British in Europe and the3Million, which represents EU nationals living in the UK.

“I introduced Nicolas Hatton (chair of the3million) to Jane Golding (co-chair of British in Europe),” Casale recalls, adding that New Europeans provided a platform, via their webinars, for both activists to voice their early concerns and arguments about citizens' rights.

Such interventions from existing organisations were clearly key. But with Brexit, perhaps for the first time, thousands of UK nationals living in Europe were driven to a campaign to resist the threat to their European identity independently of any core leadership. 

“Brexit had wiped me out emotionally,” Laura Shields, a media trainer based in Brussels, told The Local. “I thought: I can either sit here and complain or I can go and do something.” Owner of a her own company and the mother of a five-year-old, Shields says she identifies herself as “a European.” 

A chance encounter led to her joining the movement. 

British in Europe spokeswoman Laura Shields, owner of media training company Red Thread in Brussels. Photo: Red Thread. 

A former chair of Liberal Democrats in the EU, Shields had met Jane Golding at an event in Brussels in 2017. 

“British in Europe didn’t have a press person, they were mainly all legal people,” she recalls. “We did some stuff on the Withdrawal Agreement. After that I just hung around,” says Shields, who has been British in Europe’s spokesperson ever since.

Conference call dates were pencilled in and Facebook groups conceived. Wynne Edwards of Fair Deal for Expats played a vital role by setting up the first conference calls that helped bring the different groups together to talk, with Jane Golding presiding as chair and moderator by January 2017.  This is how networks in each country became aware of their counterpart cells across the EU. 

Fears of ending up as third country nationals – an outcome that appears increasingly possible given the threat of a no-deal Brexit – was what drove campaigners on in the early days.

Chance meetings soon helped turn the concerns of a handful of worried Brits into a pan-European movement. For Jeremy Morgan and Delia Dumaresq, who founded British in Italy, an encounter at a bookstore in London helped them get audiences with politicians back home in Italy.

“We went along to the Italian Bookstore and were put in touch with the Democratic Party (PD) organiser in London, Roberto Stasi. He in turn put us in touch with other Democratic Party (PD) politicians in Italy,” recalls Morgan, who together with Jane Golding, helped shape British in Europe’s core legal texts.

That meeting at the bookstore led to other meetings with politicians in Italy, as well as an invite to give evidence before a joint senatorial committee.

Morgan had been exposed to campaigning through his work establishing law centres in the UK; Dumaresq had been involved in women’s rights campaigns in the 1970s, while Fiona Godfrey is a professional lobbyist.

Shields, Golding, and Roger Boaden – founder of ECREU, a British citizens in France group – had each worked for the Liberal Democrats, Labour and the Conservatives respectively. The issue of rights for families, communities and children cuts beyond party allegiances. 

While the first living cells of the post-referendum movement were formed as early as the day after the vote, it was a hearing in the UK’s Parliament that galvanised the groups and brought many of them face-to-face for the first time.

(Jane Golding speaks to fellow campaigners at a march calling for a People's Vote. Photo: BiE.)

A movement is born

“January 2017 was the start of the organisation as it is now,” recalls Jane Golding of British in Europe.

Golding had been invited to give evidence to the Exiting the European Union Select Committee at a hearing at the British parliament in London on how Brexit would affect UK nationals living in Europe.

“We felt we needed to have a representative group of people,” recalls Golding. Morgan and Golding met around Christmas 2016 and began to shape “the flagship paper which put out what we were seeing.”

Four people were selected to give evidence and were coached by the legal wisdom of Morgan and Golding.

“Our main concern is the loss of EU citizenship and the rights devolving from it: the right to remain, healthcare arrangements under the EU social security agreements, and pension entitlements and payments,” Christopher Chantrey, a British resident in France and one of the selected four told the House of Commons select committee.

Golding says the hearing forced the groups to identify what they were concerned about: “A bundle of interlinked rights that people had for life and were irrevocable. People had the legitimate expectation that they were for life,” states Golding.

Those rights include the right to freedom of movement, recognition of qualifications, the lifelong right to remain and many more. 

READ ALSO: Quiz: How well do you know Brexit?

The select committee hearing brought together the issues of UK nationals in Europe and those of EU nationals in the UK, with British in Europe and the3million having since joined forces to campaign for their rights in Westminster, Brussels and EU-wide.

“The hearing was quintessential in us working together and uniting,” recalls Golding, not only of the partnership with the3million, but for British in Europe itself as an organization. Around 10 UK nationals who had established groups in one country came together under the umbrella of British in Europe.

In the last two years, British in Europe and its offshoot movements have nevertheless gone from strength to strength, securing meetings with, as well as the support of, top negotiators, political figures and foreign offices across the EU.

Kalba Meadows has been a key part of that work.

Meadows, one of the founders of Remain in France Together (RIFT), had been an active campaigner in the UK but left all that behind for a quiet life in the French Pyrenees.

Brexit brought Meadows back into the campaigning landscape. “I didn’t need much excuse to reawaken my inner campaigner,” she says.

But uniting under British in Europe was nevertheless transformational. 

“I went from being a ‘lone voice’ in the wilds of rural France to part of a group of citizens’ rights campaigners right across the EU27,” says Meadows.

If Brits had failed to take an interest in the referendum before the vote, those living in Europe have tried to compensate since. Brexit has even made campaigners of British expats who had previously taken little interest in politics. 

“I had been blissfully ignorant of UK politics in particular, but I learnt fast,” Sue Wilson, who founded the citizens campaign group Bremain in Spain in late 2016, told The Local.

Wilson says it took her three weeks just to get over the “shock,anger, sadness and depression caused by the result of the referendum.” Three months later Bremain in Spain, a group which now counts thousands of Brits in Spain as members, was born.

Sue Wilson, 65, a resident of Alcossebre, Castellon Province in the Valencian Community and founder of Bremain in Spain. Photo: Susan Wilson. 

Since then, Wilson says she has worked 70 hours a week.

She says her objective is “to protect the rights of British citizens in the EU.

“She adds that there is only one way to really do that: stop Brexit completely.

With just over 80 days until Britain will officially no longer be a member of the EU, stopping Brexit at this stage seems like wishful thinking, unless something extraordinary happens in parliament and a second referendum or general election is called. 

But whatever happens over the next few weeks the campaigning will likely go on.

The fact that it is personal has helped. “We are the people affected as well as the people campaigning,” says Jane Golding.

But the campaign is ultimately about more than nationality. “The outrage is over the deprivation of rights both sides of the channel,” says British in Italy’s Jeremy Morgan.

To find out how this story concludes and what British in Europe have achieved in the two years since the organisation's inception, make sure you read Part Three in our newsletter on January 11th. 

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READ MORE: How Brexit is fuelling stress and anxiety for vulnerable Brits in Europe 

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  1. The people were asked to stay or exit, they chose to exit, anything else is undemocratic and a slap in the face of people who voted to exit the EU.

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SWEXIT

INTERVIEW: How best to respond to the Sweden Democrats’ Swexit gambit

The far-right Sweden Democrats have tried to fire up the long-dormant debate over Sweden's membership of the European Union. We spoke to Lund University professor Ian Manners about what it means and what to do about it.

INTERVIEW: How best to respond to the Sweden Democrats' Swexit gambit

In tweets, interviews, one article in the Aftonbladet tabloid and a second one in Svenska Dagbladet newspaper, Sweden Democrat leader Jimmie Åkesson outlined his party’s new tougher position, with calls for mandatory referendums on extensions of EU powers, an analysis of how to reduce the negative impacts of EU membership, and, finally, cautionary preparations to leave.

 

For Manners, a political scientist and EU expert, this is all about repositioning the party.

“He’s caught in a very difficult position in that he’s effectively in a governing coalition, although they’re not in government, and they have no clear anti-system position, because they are in effect part of the ruling coalition in some strange way.” 

Reviving a battle against the EU would allow the party to position itself against the broadly pro-EU Moderate and Liberal parties in the coalition, and also against the Social Democrats, Green and Centre parties of the opposition. 

“In some respects, this is an attempt to ignite support within the party for something distinctive that makes them look different to the other three partners in the ruling coalition,” Manners explained. 

It will also, though, help it find someone to blame if some of its most prominent policies wins fail to make it through parliament and into Swedish law. 

Åkesson and other leading Sweden Democrats, Manners believes, are quickly realising that many of the most hardline policies on migration, energy and environment won in the agreement with the three governing parties will be impossible to enact, as they clash with laws already agreed at an EU level or with the European Convention on Human Rights, or will be challenged by the European Court of Human Rights. 

“What’s become clear over time is that almost nothing EU-related in the Tidö Agreement has materialised in the way that Åkesson, or in fact the other parties, imagined,” Manners said. 

This has probably come as a shock, he added. 

“I’ve met enough SD MPs and MEPs that I don’t think they have that sense of consciousness of what it might mean to enter into a ruling coalition agreement like the Tidö Agreement and the extent to which it would be literally impossible to enact some of the policies made, so I think this probably comes as a little bit of a surprise for them.”

The European Court of Human Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights, he pointed out, “really binds your hands on a lot of the migration issues and on the treatment of refugees”. 

The same was true for a slew of other policies in the agreement, as anyone with an understanding would have known. 

“It was quite clear that actually, the government can have little influence over EU energy policy and environment policy and to a certain extent other EU-associated policy,” Manners said. “These are policies that are quite distinctly agreed at the EU level, not at national levels.”

As the Sweden Democrats have realised this, their animosity to the EU, downplayed since 2019, has revived. 

Åkesson’s two articles, while stopping short of calling for Sweden to leave the European Union, contain some radical proposals nonetheless.

The first article complained that EU membership was becoming like “a straitjacket” for Sweden, with EU decisions determining Swedish legislation over forestry, vehicles and fuel, and much of what happens in regional and local government.

The second proposed three government inquiries designed to prevent more powers being transferred from Sweden to the EU:

  • an inquiry into mandatory referendums on any significant extension of EU powers or funding requirements 
  • an inquiry into what actions Sweden can take to ensure that it is prepared to leave the EU, such as removing parts of constitution which state that Sweden is an EU member and training civil servants in trade negotiations 
  • an inquiry into reducing the negative impacts of EU membership, by analysing which EU directives have been “over-implemented”, and ensuring that Sweden only meets the minimum requirements of EU laws 

Manners said that the referendum inquiry was the one that the government should perhaps be most wary of. 

“If I were the Sweden Democrats, I would be after a referendum and I think that’s what they want: anything that splits both their enemies and their coalition members,” he said. 

Rather than an in-out referendum on EU membership, like the one held in the UK, the Sweden Democrats were probably hoping instead to engineer a referendum on a future planned extension of EU powers. 

Manners thinks that pro-European Union forces in Sweden should learn from the example of the UK and go into action as soon as possible, moving to educate the Swedish public in advance not only of the risks of leaving the EU, but also of having the kinds of opt-outs from some EU policy areas, as Denmark has had. 

After Danish voters rejected the Maastricht Treaty in a 1992 referendum, the country obtained four opt-outs from the treaty, covering the Euro, defence and security policy, justice and home affairs, and citizenship. 

The result, Manners argues, was “a total waste of diplomatic capital”, with Denmark’s government and EU diplomats spending all their time managing their opt-outs, meaning they had no energy to push forward other policies they wanted to advance in the EU. 

While the idea of Sweden rejecting a core piece of future EU legislation, let alone voting to leave the EU, may seem far-fetched, Manners said experience showed it was all too possible. 

“It seems hard to imagine in Sweden, but having seen it happen in the UK, and certainly in Denmark over and over (…) it comes with a surprise and it comes with a shock. And the surprise is that anyone is stupid enough to hold a referendum, and the shock is that you have no way of predicting what will happen at any referendum.”

For the Sweden Democrats, a referendum would allow it to dominate one whole side of the debate, attracting any voters wishing to prevent the expansion of EU powers. 

However the risks of the new policy gambit were at least as big as the potential benefits, Manners argued, with few supporting the proposed ideas even within the Sweden Democrats. 

“I think actually it will quite possibly backfire. If you look at some of the dog whistle sentences in the article in Aftonbladet, one is, ‘we need to evaluate our membership of the EU’. Well, there’s literally no support for that.” 

A recent survey of Swedish voters, carried out by the SOM Institute at Gothenburg University, found that support for EU membership was higher today than at any time since Sweden joined the EU in 1994, with 68 percent of voters in favour and only 11 percent against. 

This was even the case for Sweden Democrat voters, a full 43 percent of whom said they were “essentially in favour” of Swedish EU membership, up from 23 percent as recently as 2021. Only 31 percent of Sweden Democrats said they were “essentially against” EU membership. 

This picture could change if Åkesson and his party colleagues start to campaign on the issue and Manners said he thought it was important for pro-EU forces in Sweden to use this opportunity to make their case. 

“The place that Swexit would really hurt is down here in the south of Sweden,” he said, based in Lund. “Imagine all the agriculture and the small and medium-sized industries in Skåne. Imagine all the transport and commuters, all the jobs that are dependent on flowing across the bridge. It’s going to get hurt twice as bad as the rest of Sweden. And this is the base for the Sweden Democrats.” 

He said he believed that pro-EU politicians and media in Sweden should actively discuss the most concrete, material impacts of leaving the European Union. 

He mentioned the long queues of trucks you would expect ahead of the Öresund Bridge, the likely impact on the krona, or the impact on the big investment decisions currently being made in the north of Sweden in car battery manufacturing or Green Steel. 

Even having the debate or putting in place the inquiries Åkesson was proposing could risk these investments or affect the currency, said Manners. 

“Countries do need to have a discussion about what it might potentially mean to leave the EU, so that there is a far greater awareness of the heightened risks,” he said. “Because we never had that discussion in the UK.” 

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