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Political cheat sheet: Understanding Italy’s League party

After transforming from northern federalist movement to Italian nationalist party, the League now hopes to take power along with other right-wing parties at the upcoming election.

League party leader Matteo Salvini on stage during the party's annual rally in Pontida on September 15, 2019.
League party leader Matteo Salvini on stage during the party's annual rally in Pontida on September 15, 2019. Photo by Miguel MEDINA / AFP.

As Italy’s general election nears, The Local is publishing a series of articles introducing the key parties and political figures you need to know about.

Here’s a quick guide to Italy’s League (Lega), its history, policies, support, and key figures.

Origins

Italy’s League (Lega in Italian) was founded in 1991. That might sound young but it actually makes it the oldest party in Italy’s last parliament.

For most of its life, the League was the Northern League (Lega Nord). The party was born as a federation of several regional parties from northern and central Italy (Veneto, Lombardy, Piedmont, Liguria, Emilia-Romagna and Tuscany), and its main purpose was to push for federalism and greater autonomy for the north.

In the lead up to the 2018 general election, however, the group changed its name and rebranded as a something of a nationalist, nativist party, with ‘Italians first’ (Prima gli italiani) as its slogan.

The party’s current full name – which no one ever uses – is in fact Lega per Salvini Premier, (‘League for Salvini Prime Minister’), highlighting its emphasis on getting leader Matteo Salvini into the top position. This outcome seems unlikely for the September 2022 elections, however, for reasons discussed below.

A woman holds a League poster during a rally of the party in Catania, Sicily, on October 2, 2020.
A woman holds a League poster during a rally of the party in Catania, Sicily, on October 2, 2020. Photo by Alberto PIZZOLI / AFP. 

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Ideology

In the beginning, the League’s aims were focused on achieving more power for Italy’s regions – particularly the northern ones. The party popularised the concept of ‘Padania’, an imaginary Italian macroregion encompassing everything north of Tuscany, Marche and Umbria, and alternately pushed for greater fiscal autonomy and all-out secession.

Since the party’s 2018 election rebrand, however, it’s moved increasingly further away from this kind of separatist talk. Salvini now focuses mainly on crime and immigration, frequently inveighing against both on his social media accounts; during his tenure as interior minister in 2018-2019, he passed the anti-migrant ‘Salvini decree’.

This has led to the League being branded in the press as a far-right party, but political scientists have suggested that ‘hard-right populist’ might be a more accurate label, as the group doesn’t really have a fixed ideology and – unlike its 2022 coalition partner Brothers of Italy – isn’t descended from any of the post-fascist parties that sprang up in Italy after Mussolini’s fall.

The League has always been critical of the EU, but in recent years has moved away from talk of monetary sovereignty. The party’s policies for the 2022 election include a 15 percent flat tax, creating offshore ‘hot spots’ to process asylum seekers, stepping up internal security spending, and changing Italy’s political system from a parliamentary democracy to a French-style presidential one.

Salvini’s historically close ties to Russia have come under renewed scrutiny lately following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. At a recent joint press conference with coalition partner Brothers of Italy, he said the EU should ‘rethink’ its sanctions on Russia – causing Brothers of Italy leader Giorgia Meloni to be pictured burying her face in her hands.

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Salvini (R) on stage with Meloni and coalition partner Berlusconi at a joint rally October 19, 2019 in Rome.
Salvini (R) on stage with Meloni and coalition partner Berlusconi at a joint rally October 19, 2019 in Rome. Photo by Tiziana FABI / AFP.

Support

The League won just under 18 percent of the vote in the 2018 general election, making it the second largest party in Italy’s parliament after it joined forces with the populist Five Star Movement to form a ruling coalition.

That alliance didn’t last long, with League pulling out of the government in 2019 in an attempt to capitalise on its success in the polls by forcing a snap election. It didn’t work, and only led to the party losing its place in government to the centre-left and Salvini forfeiting his positions of interior minister and co-deputy prime minister.

Since then, Italy has had two more governments, both of which collapsed, and the League has seen its support slide several points, down to around 14 percent.

Despite its relatively low approval ratings, the League is nonetheless set to play a key role in the next government thanks to its decision to ally itself with Berlusconi’s Forza Italia and Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party, which as of early September 2022 were polling at 7 percent and 24 percent respectively.

This ‘centre-right’ or centrodestra (in reality, hard-right) coalition is expected to sweep a majority in the September 25th elections.

In this graph of Italian political opinion polls from March 2018 to September 2022, the League is marked in green.
In this graph of Italian political opinion polls from March 2018 to September 2022, the League is marked in green. Graph: Impru20/Wikimedia Commons

Big names

Umberto Bossi — a former rock singer and laboratory technician — was the founder of the League and led the party until 2012. He allied the Northern League with Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia in three coalition governments during that time, though the relationship was a rocky one. He resigned over alleged appropriation of party funds in 2012, and in 2017 was convicted of fraud.

Matteo Salvini has led the party ever since. He’s noted for his strong anti-immigrant policies and rhetoric, which he disseminates via his social media machine la Bestia (‘the Beast’), and is the subject of an ongoing kidnapping trial for blocking a migrant rescue boat from docking in Italy in 2019. Having had a turn as interior minister and deputy prime minister, he now has his eye on Italy’s top job – but because his party’s not the largest in his coalition, that title’s expected to go to Giorgia Meloni, a dynamic that will no doubt be a source of tension if the right does come to power in the next election.

Salvini delivers a speech on stage during a united rally with the Brothers of Italy and Forza Italia parties on July 4, 2020 in Rome.
Salvini delivers a speech on stage during a united rally with the Brothers of Italy and Forza Italia parties on July 4, 2020 in Rome. Photo by Tiziana FABI / AFP.

READ ALSO: Your introductory guide to Italian politics

MIGRANT CRISIS

‘We hoped for better’: How Italy’s government has floundered on migration

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has admitted she had hoped to do "better" on controlling irregular migration, which has surged since her party won historic elections a year ago.

‘We hoped for better’: How Italy’s government has floundered on migration

Having come to power on pledges to curb mass migration, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s far-right Brothers of Italy party has since enacted a series of policies which have not stopped a soaring number of sea arrivals in 2023.

“Clearly we hoped for better on immigration, where we worked so hard,” she said in an interview marking the win, broadcast late Saturday on the TG1 channel.

“The results are not what we hoped to see. It is certainly a very complex problem, but I’m sure we’ll get to the bottom of it.”

Meloni’s post-fascist Brothers of Italy party was elected in large part on a promise to reduce mass migration into Italy.

But the number of people arriving on boats from North Africa has instead surged, with more than 130,000 recorded by the interior ministry so far this year – up from 70,000 in the same period of 2022.

EXPLAINED: What’s behind Italy’s soaring number of migrant arrivals?

After 8,500 people arrived on the tiny island of Lampedusa in just three days earlier this month, Meloni demanded the European Union do more to help relieve the pressure.

Brussels agreed to intensify existing efforts, and this week said it would start to release money to Tunisia – from where many of the boats leave – under a pact aimed at stemming irregular migration from the country.

Blaming Germany

But Meloni’s main coalition partner, Matteo Salvini of the anti-immigration League party, has been dismissive of EU efforts to manage the surge of arrivals that he dubbed an “act of war”.

The League this weekend also condemned Germany for funding an NGO conducting at-sea rescues in the Mediterranean, saying it represented “very serious interference” in Italian affairs.

Defence Minister Guido Crosetto, a member of Meloni’s party, weighed in on Sunday, telling La Stampa newspaper the move put Italy “in difficulty”.

“If Germany cared about the fate of people in difficulty and really wanted to help us save lives, they could help… (with plans) to seriously combat criminals who traffic people,” he added in a statement on Sunday evening.

IN NUMBERS: Five graphs to understand migration to Italy

Several charity rescue ships operate in the Central Mediterranean, the world’s deadliest sea crossing for migrants, although they only pick up around five percent of arrivals to Italy, according to Crosetto.

The German foreign office confirmed it was providing between 400,000 euros and 800,000 euros each to two projects, “for the support on land in Italy of people rescued at sea and an NGO project for sea-rescue operations”.

People gather outside the migrant reception centre on Lampedusa, south of Sicily, on August 14th 2023. The island has recently struggled to cope with a large number of sea arrivals.

People gather outside the migrant reception centre on Lampedusa, south of Sicily, on August 14th 2023. The island has recently struggled to cope with a large number of sea arrivals. Photo by Alessandro Serranò / AFP

‘Protection money’

While interior minister in a previous government in 2019, Salvini blocked several charity ships from disembarking rescued migrants in Italy, a move that saw him prosecuted in Sicily on charges of kidnapping.

Since taking office in October, Meloni’s government has restricted the activities of the ships, which it accuses of encouraging migrants, while vowing to clamp down on people smugglers.

In April, weeks after more than 90 migrants died in a shipwreck near the town of Cutro on the coast of Calabria, it declared a six-month migration ‘state of emergency’, allocating 5 million euros to address the situation.

This was followed in May by the passage of the Cutro decree, which all but eliminated Italy’s special protection status for certain categories of asylum seekers and introduced harsher sentences for traffickers.

Agriculture Minister Francesco Lollobrigida sparked controversy at the time by saying Italy was facing “ethnic substitution” as a result of migration – comments opposition leader Elly Schlein dismissed as “disgusting” and as having “the flavour of white supremacism”.

Most recently, the government has sought to boost repatriation of arrivals ineligible for asylum, including by building new detention centres and extending the time migrants can be held there.

It emerged this week it would also be requiring migrants awaiting a decision on asylum to pay a deposit of 5,000 euros or be sent to a detention centre, prompting accusations the state was charging “protection money”.

The move was an “inhuman” gesture that unfairly targets “those fleeing famine and war,” parliamentarian Riccardo Magi of the +Europa party told reporters.

The centre-left Democratic Party said earlier this week that “on immigration, the Italian right has failed”.

“It continues on a path that is demagogic and consciously cynical, but above all totally ineffective both in the respect and safeguarding of human rights, and for the protection of Italy’s interests,” it said in a note.

The criticism of Germany comes after Berlin temporarily stopped accepting migrants living in Italy, after Rome itself suspended EU rules governing the distribution of migrants.

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