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Sex scandals: Are French politicians really the worst?

The world of French politics has been sullied by sex scandals once again. Will lessons be learned this time?

Sex scandals: Are French politicians really the worst?
Michel Sapin, Denis Baupin and Dominique Strauss-Kahn. Photo:AFP

Same old French politicians. Depressingly familiar. 

These words sum up many of the reactions by foreign observers to the news that two high profile French lawmakers, including the country’s finance minister, had become embroiled in the latest sexual harassment scandals to hit French politics.

Firstly deputy parliamentary speaker Denis Baupin was accused of sexual harassing a number of women over several years, after which police opened an official investigation.

For his part Baupin launched legal action against his accusers.

Then, clearly feeling the heat as the spotlight was shone on the shoddy behaviour of some of France’s political elite, the Finance Minister Michel Sapin issued a mea culpa.

The minister and close ally of President François Hollande admitted he had acted “inappropriately” towards a French journalist during a visit to Davos. He confessed that he “made a comment to a female journalist about her clothing while placing my hand on her back.”

The minister had actually been accused of twanging the elastic on the journalist’s knickers as she bent over to pick up a pen.

Sapin insisted there was “no sexist intent” although he was widely ridiculed given that only hours earlier he had vehemently denied the accusations and threatened to sue those who repeated them.

The two cases have sparked yet more scrutiny of France’s male politicians and the way they behave – or more to the point misbehave – towards women.

It appears that the change in culture that was meant to take place after all the soul searching following the Dominique Strauss-Kahn scandals may not have come about as it was meant to have.

But while the shocking acts of the French politicians need to be condemned, is the country's political scene really infected by more sexist lecherous men than the world of politics in other countries?

Marie Allibert, the spokeswoman from French feminist organization Osez le Féminisme which is an outspoken critic of the actions of French politicians, believes France may not be worse than anywhere else.

“I don't think sexual harassment in politics is specific to France, there are affairs elsewhere in the western world too,” she told The Local.

“We live in a patriarchal, sexist world, in which sexual assault, harassment and rape are everywhere, on a daily basis. The difference is: we had DSK, and still, we did not learn from it.”

While other countries have had their fair share of political sex scandals it’s clear that France has problems. These problems were identified after the DSK scandal and have not been dealt with.

“Our political parties are still not doing enough to train their members to be respectful of women and of equality,” said Allibert. And our media still have not learned that they should not downplay sexual assaults, aggression, rape or even femicide,” she said.

So while the politicians themselves may not be more deviant than anywhere else, the problem is their antics remain hidden.

French political analyst Bruno Cautres believes it’s not just a case of the media downplaying sexual assaults by politicians, but more like avoiding them altogether.

Cautres, from France’s Center for Political Sciences Research believes the media in France do not hold their politicians to account enough and allow them to continue to work and act with a feeling of impunity.

“In France there is a lack of checks and controls on political life and we are not just talking about sexual harassment, but fraud and corruption as well,” Cautres told The Local.

“We saw that in the Cahuzac affair,” he added referring to the disgraced former Budget Minister Jérôme Cahuzac who admitted tax fraud.

As opposed to the Anglo media culture, dominated by the bloodthirsty tabloids, the French media still tends to leave the politicians private lives private.

If French politicians know they can pretty much do what they want privately without it ending up in headlines, it helps create a world where they feel untouchable by the media.

“In other countries there’s more control on politicians. The political class here feel a certain level of impunity,” said Cautres.

“There’s a lot of work to be done in France to make the politicians feel afraid of the media.

“It’s incredible that Michel Sapin did what he did to a journalist. He wasn’t scared. He just didn’t realise it was sexist.”

One of the explanations given for the media's attitude towards French politicians is that often journalists and politicians come from the same elite and study at the same elite universities.

Cautres also points out that the reality is that in France politics is still more of a male-dominated profession than in other countries.

“The world of French politics was for a long time a world only for men. The arrival of women on the scene is quite recent and so the old sexist stereotypes still persist,” he said.

Whether this week was the case of the same old French or not, it’s clear the world of French politics still has major work to do and it's unlikely we have seen the last sex scandal to rock French politics.

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JOHN LICHFIELD

OPINION: A European disaster for Macron could lead to messy autumn elections in France

The approaching European elections are predicted to be a disaster for the Macronists - but will this actually have any effect on France? John Lichfield predicts that it will, possibly even bringing fresh - and very messy - domestic elections in the autumn.

OPINION: A European disaster for Macron could lead to messy autumn elections in France

There is a paradox at the heart of Macronism. The President was elected in 2017 as a young, white-collar revolutionary who would detonate France’s repressed energy by scrapping the stifling, consensus politics of centre-left and centre-right.

And yet the profile of his voters has become progressively older. His most loyal supporters are the status-quo loving over-60s – or rather they have been until now.

One of the most striking aspects of the disastrous opinion poll results for the President’s centrist alliance before the June 9th European elections is the desertion of part of Macron’s grey army.

At the 2022 Presidential election, 39 percent of over-65s voted for Macron in the first round, compared to 28 percent in the wider electorate.

Without the oldies, Macron might have come second to Marine Le Pen in the first round two years ago. The second-round run-off, which was won 58.5-41.5 percent by Macron, would have been a very close-run thing.

In the polling before the European elections, the lead candidate for Macron’s Renew alliance, Valérie Heyer, is running neck and neck in the “grey” vote with Jordan Bardella, the lead candidate of Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National.

They are on 25 percent each among the over-65s in an Ipsos poll for La Tribune.

READ ALSO Can foreign residents in France vote in European elections?

Older voters are prized by political parties because they are reliable voters. No longer, it seems. Something like half the over-65s who voted for Macron in 2022 say they won’t bother to leave home on Sunday June 9th.

The shifts in the old vote largely explains why Le Pen’s camp is leading Macron’s camp overall by 14 to 15 points – roughly 32 percent to 17 percent – a score which will have seismic consequences for French politics if confirmed in 45 days’ time.

Why are the oldies so angry with the government? Here lies another paradox.

Macron, the youngest ever President of the Fifth Republic, with the youngest ever Prime Minister, has been kind to oldies (including myself). Rather than a “President of the Getting-on-well”, he has been a “President of the Getting-on-a-Bit”.

His unpopular (but necessary) pension reform was intended, in part, to protect the comfortable pensions of those already retired.

The two Covid lockdowns (probably necessary) protected the old at the expense of the liberty of the young.

The President recently shot down the idea of a one-year freeze on pensions which would have filled the €15 billion hole in the French state budget this year.

Why then so many grumpy old men and women?

One minister blames the constant drum-beat of alarm and despondency in the 24-hour TV news channels. “Retired people are sitting in front of their televisions all day and watching images of a country they no longer recognise,” he says.

Maybe. It is natural that older people are anxious about security and inflation. They also disapprove of the fact that Macron has let the country’s finances spin out of control (but forget that they benefited from the government’s open cheque book during the Covid crisis and the energy inflation caused by the Ukraine war.)

Another striking feature of the opinion polls has been the resurrection of the centre-left, which appeared to be extinct after the Socialist candidate, Anne Hidalgo, scored only 1.75 percent in the first round of the presidential election two years ago. The Socialist champion in the European elections, Raphael Glucksmann, is running at around 12 percent and vaguely threatening to push Macron’s camp into third place.

Is this the beginning of the end of the pro-European New Centre created by Macron in 2017? Is France, which invented the terms Left and Right, lurching back towards binary Left-Right politics?

I doubt it. Glucksmann will not be a candidate in 2027; no convincing moderate politician is yet emerging to challenge the death grip on the Left of the radical, anti-European Jean-Luc Mélenchon. This is a space worth watching, all the same.

In the remaining six weeks of the European campaign, Macron’s strategy will be two-fold. He will finally get involved. He will try to remind voters that European elections are about Europe.

Starting with a big speech on the future of the EU at the Sorbonne university on Thursday, he will seek to persuade the French electorate that Le Pen is a leap into muddle and darkness and that a stronger EU is their best protection in a scary world.

Above all, Macron will try in the weeks ahead to persuade the pro-European over-65s to continue the habit of a lifetime and turn out on June 9th. He may have limited success. Le Pen’s party performs better in polls than in elections. The most recent polls shows a slight narrowing of Bardella’s lead.

But 14 points is a big gap to close in six weeks. Whatever Macron may say in his speech, most French voters, young or old, do not see this as a European election. They see it as a free-hit: a chance to bash Macron after seven years without running the risk of electing a Far Right government.

They may be wrong about that.

A Macron “defeat” by ten points or more on June 9th will increase the chances of a successful censure motion against the government in the National Assembly this summer. Macron will refuse to call an election just before the Paris Olympics. He will prolong the crisis until September when the Gabriel Attal government might fall.

We could be heading for a messy, parliamentary election in France this Autumn – at the same time as a potentially cataclysmic election in the United States and a very predictable election in the UK.

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