SHARE
COPY LINK
OPINION: LEARNING FROM THE PAST

HISTORY

What Britain has yet to learn from Germany

Britain has failed to learn from its past and draw lessons for the future in the same way as Germany - and that's a shame, argues Tom Barfield.

What Britain has yet to learn from Germany
German Chancellor Willy Brandt kneels before the memorial to the Jewish Ghetto in Warsaw, December 7th 1970. Photo: DPA

On Saturday I made a long-overdue visit to the Topography of Terror permanent exhibit in central Berlin, just a few hundred metres from the glistening modernist towers of Potsdamer Platz.

There, where the Gestapo and SS headquarters once stood, I joined groups of awed schoolchildren, sombre lone adults and chattering foreign tourists in following the story of the Nazis' persecution of the Jews, Roma and Sinti, political opponents, homosexuals, the disabled and conquered populations.

The quiet groups of schoolchildren were particularly impressive.

Standing before the photos of the men who led their great-grandparents to genocidal war, they were silent and attentive as the guides explained the unfolding of the 20th Century's greatest horror, and clapped politely when they were finished.

To my shame, I can't think of a single moment in my upbringing when I was asked to confront my own country's recent history in the same way.

Merry old England

History teaching in British schools is enormously restricted in scope, and up to the age of 16 I remember learning about two subjects above all else: the Tudors and Nazi Germany.

I'm sure we touched on other subjects – I have vague memories of some stuff about the Liberal governments of the early 20th Century and the First World War – but by and large it was hooray for head-chopping Henry VIII and gosh-weren't-those-Germans-awful.

I'll be happy if I never read the name “Henry VIII” again in my entire life after a British history education. Image: Wikimedia Commons

But as the polls last week show, there's plenty about the history of our own country that is simply never addressed, either in school or in public life.

Poll results showing British attitudes to colonialism and the Empire. Graphic: YouGov

Many would say that any crimes committed in the name of British colonialism seem to pale in comparison to the horror of the Holocaust.

It wasn't until much later in life that I learned about events like the Bengal famine, the Mau Mau rebellion, the British concentration camps in the Boer War, the Battle of Omdurman or the Amritsar Massacre, to name only a few.

SEE ALSO: Germany's 'other genocide' in Namibia

And that's in part because I actively chose to study modules focusing on post-colonial literature while at university.

While the Peace Process was going on during my childhood and early teens, I had no idea why the Irishmen on television were so angry – and I was never illuminated on the subject at school or, really, by the news.

Apart from that, my main Empire-related memory is of people being sad that we had to give Hong Kong back to China in 1997.

Silence doesn't help anyone

So most young Brits are left with a patchwork of jingoistic impressions of the Empire cobbled together from bronze equestrian statues around Trafalgar Square, the movie Zulu and sidelong references in Arthur Conan Doyle and Agatha Christie stories.

Many of us have living relatives who could tell us something about it – my own grandfathers were posted all over the world for the RAF in the 1950s and 60s, and my parents trailed along after them – but it somehow rarely comes up.

When it's mentioned in public life, there seems to be an injunction that one has to acknowledge some notional “benefit” that Britain imparted to the peoples under her rule – and then the conversation is closed.

Our current Prime Minister, David Cameron, said in 2013 that the British Empire should be “celebrated” and called British rule of India a “net help”.

Indian and Pakistani soldiers shake hands at the border in 2006. File photo: DPA

But he uttered those words during a visit to India, where our main legacy is the partitioning of the subcontinent into two nuclear-armed nations that engage in regular artillery duels.

Our failure to learn about the British Empire isn't just a failure to acknowledge the suffering we inflicted – by accident, negligence or design – on other nations in the past.

It's a failure to provide British citizens with the tools they need to understand the world that their forebears had such a hand in shaping.

That's shameful when Britain could be turning out young people with a uniquely well-rounded understanding of the world – just by studying our own nation's history.

Guided by the past

Germany's deep commitment to Europe – expressed in Article 23 of its Constitution and almost every major speech by political leaders – has often been mocked, especially in the UK, as the country's self-abasement in a bid to atone for the past.

 
But the Second World War was just the latest in a thousand-year series of catastrophes to befall Europe that had often devastated Germany worst of all.

At the crossroads of Europe, Germany was racked by invasion from North, South, East and West, plague, religious strife, and dynastic power struggles between its warring princedoms, separately or all at once.

France and other countries suffered their share of horrors, too – while Britain was largely spared thanks to its island geography.

It's a deep consciousness of that brutal history that has informed Germans' and other nations' determination to work together.

A painting of the Battle of Leipzig or “Battle of the Nations” in 1813 – the largest battle in Europe before the First World War. Image: Wikimedia Commons

Germans spent decades following the war examining their past – going well back before the war – debating what went wrong and what implications that should have for their future behaviour – in a process known as Vergangenheitsbewältigung (dealing with the past).

There were arguments over whether the Holocaust could only have happened in Germany due to its history and what the failures of thought and political leadership were that enabled it in the decades and centuries before.

It's a process that is far from complete – as is all too clear today from the persistence of racism and neo-Nazism in German society – but which continues to be the site of at times heated public discussion.

By contrast, Britain blunders blithely on guided by a conviction that we always have been and always will be the good guys – and that everyone else shares that view.

That's been brought to the fore more than ever in Brexit negotiations, where Outers think we can just throw a lever and ratchet up trade with the former Empire to replace whatever we lose with Europe.

They dream of a Britain getting to be unique, aloof, in Europe but not of it, as the nation has always seen itself down the centuries.

But in today's Europe – bound by ties of law, trade, communication and blood that stretch across borders – it's no longer possible to pull up the drawbridge.

Britain needs to come to terms with that, show some humility, and start to learn from the past.

DISCOVER GERMANY

How Germany’s farmers’ protests echo a bloody history

Rebellious farmers in the streets, rumours of strife spreading through towns and villages: If you squint, 2024 does resemble 1525. 

How Germany's farmers' protests echo a bloody history

Next year, Germany celebrates the 500th anniversary of the Bauernkrieg, or ‘Peasant’s War’. 

This is a slight misnomer, however. Many insurgents rampaging across southern Germany from March to June 1525 were relatively prosperous farmers and artisans – hardly starving serfs. 

A list of demands

Like their modern counterparts, the rebels of 1525 also had a long list of grievances. 

Rather than being aimed at a central government, they were aimed at the ‘princes’ – the Electors and the nobility enforcing the rule of the Holy Roman Empire. 

READ ALSO: Meet the medieval German warlord with a message for modern politicians

Their complaints stretched from the unfair imposition of taxes by local nobles and city officials to the requirement to work the land of the nobility as unpaid labour. 

farmer protests

In more modern times, convoy of hundreds of agricultural vehicles blocks the Jann-Bergahus bridge in Lower Saxony on Monday morning. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Lars Penning

One famous, possibly apocryphal story has the people of Lupfen, close to the Swiss border, rising against their Countess after she commanded they spend previous harvesting time collecting snail shells to use as thread spools.  

Another considerable influence on the rebels was the Protestant Reformation. For years, an increasingly literate population had questioned the corruption of many Church officials, and Martin Luther’s critiques had deeply resonated with them. They wanted control over their parishes, priests and worship styles.  

Unlike previous revolts, the peasants of 1525 distinguished themselves by putting their demands in the form of a cohesive manifesto and spreading it far and wide. 

READ ALSO: 12 things you didn’t know about Martin Luther

On March 20th 1525, representatives of villages throughout the Allgäu region met at Memmingen. They adopted the ’12 Articles’, which some call one of the first documents addressing human rights in European history. 

The revolt spreads

In the following months, bands of peasants coalesced into larger armies that began to attack local targets such as towns, the castles of nobles and monasteries across southern Germany. 

The knowledge that many of the artisans within the armies had in building those same structures made them a surprisingly potent force to begin with, and a surprising number of fortifications were ransacked, along with their weapons. 

farmers' war

Archive photo shows a depiction of the Peasant’s War at the Panorama-Museum in Bad Frankenhausen in 2009. Photo: picture-alliance/ dpa | Waltraud Grubitzsch

Radical preachers such as Thomas Müntzer became figureheads for the rebels, with their apocalyptic rhetoric spurring the armies to several atrocities. 

One such atrocity occurred on Palm Sunday, when an army of rebels attacked Weibertreu Castle, east of Heilbronn. Count Ludwig von Helfenstein, a figure notorious for his cruelty, was slaughtered along with his retinue of knights via a series of ‘grisly’ games.

The massacre at Weibertreu was one of many actions that shocked the powers that be into a cohesive response. 

One such group was the Swabian League, representing free imperial cities and knights through what is now generally considered Baden-Württemberg. 

The rebellion is crushed

As the Spring progressed, the Swabian League would crush some rebel armies with the help of ‘Landsknechts’, trained mercenaries. 

After Thomas Müntzer and his band of rebels were crushed in Thuringia by the Duke of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse at the Battle of Frankenhausen on May 15th 1525, the movement essentially began to lose momentum without their spiritual leader. 

Further south, just outside Stuttgart, a rout of the rebels at the Battle of Böblingen on May 12th also broke the rebel’s collective power. 

The summer of 1525 was a bloody one, as many of the ringleaders of the rebellion were rounded up and executed. Others were fined heavily, draining their financial resources. 

While the rebellion had been put down with overwhelming military force, the events of 1525 deeply frightened the nobility and local powers. 

Their power was no longer seen as absolute, and never again would their demands be so consistently egregious to the common people. There was room for negotiation.

Traces remain 

Compared with other events in the history of what is now Germany, the Bauernkrieg simply doesn’t have the popular understanding or memory of other similar events. 

However, throughout southern Germany, memorials and statues can be found that remember when the anger of the artisans, the common folk and the farmers had boiled into direct, bloody action. 

While we live in a very different world to 1525, almost 500 years later, the sight of tractor convoys blocking German roads should be a potent reminder that human nature never really changes – we all want a better world for ourselves. 

SHOW COMMENTS