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OPINION

EUROPEAN UNION

‘An EU security force could have helped Syria’

Sweden's foreign minister is not among the visionaries who have said it is time for the EU to have its own security force. A pity, as such a force could have helped stop the slaughter in Syria, argues Swedish Liberal Party MEP Cecilia Wikström.

'An EU security force could have helped Syria'

The debate about Sweden’s defence has intensified lately. Despite our lack of membership, Sweden recently hosted a Nato conference to discuss strategic issues. Sweden’s Supreme Commander Sverker Göransson made his view clear that Sweden’s ability to defend itself will successively degrade if we do not take part in Nato’s rapid response forces.

When Russian fighter jets flew over Sweden at Easter, our planes stood still in their hangars, while Nato responded within the blink of an eye. It became obvious that Sweden is not capable of handling that type of defence threat. Yet, as a non-member of Nato, Sweden cannot rely on Nato action or assume that Nato will come to our defence, which the treaty alliance’s Secretary General Anders Fogh-Rasmussen made very clear to us at the start of the year.

That is reason enough for the government to immediately order a review of how Sweden can make preparations to join Nato.

Within the EU, meanwhile, such a review is looking at increased coordination of the member countries’ defence resources. Prime ministers and heads of government across the union will be expected to make decisions in this matter later this year. More and more people have begun to realize that the EU must strengthen its cooperation in several areas, in order to remain a strong actor in an ever-more globalized world.

In Germany, Chancellor Angela Merkel has very clearly said there is a need for a future political union with an elected union president and a seat for the EU on the UN Security Council. French President Francois Holland has proposed a new strategy to coordinate foreign and defence policy, which includes a common union defence. Sweden’s former Supreme Commander Håkan Syrén has said that in the next ten years, member states should come to the agreement to dedicate a fourth of their national defence budgets to a common defence.

Last autumn, eleven EU foreign ministers presented a joint report in which they argued that European cooperation has to become more in depth in order to meet the challenges ahead in a globalized world. They outlined the benefits of strengthened military cooperation.

In the long term, they want to create a common European defence. It is regrettable that we do not find the name of Sweden’s foreign minister among this group of eleven visionaries. I ask myself the question why?

I am convinced that a strong common defence is decisive in strengthening the EU’s military and global security role in the future. Our 28 member states cooperating more in depth and complementing each other would lead to a more responsible defence budget and a more effective defence policy.

Despite no EU country today feeling that they are at direct military threat, a large share of their defence budgets does goes to maintaining and upgrading equipment. If countries instead specialize and the EU has a clear division of military responsibilities between its members – pooling and sharing in military parlance – all countries would get more bang for their buck, as well as being able to prioritize in a more rational way with an eye on effectiveness.

The EU should also, in the long term, build up its leadership potential in order to be able to take on international missions independently of Nato’s engagements. This would considerably strengthen the common foreign and security policy.

The discussions concerning the EU must continue and a substantial contribution to that debate is found in Birger Möller’s new book What is the EU and What Can It Be? I agree with him that it is time for Swedish politicians to lift their gaze and start pondering our role in Europe and our role in the world, and what it will look like the years to come. The world is changing, globalization poses great challenges both for our country and our continent.

If we are serious about belonging to the core of Europe, it’s high time for the next step in strengthening EU cooperation. It is the only way we can take part in shaping the EU of tomorrow, and in that way strengthen our influence and our role in the world.

The EU already has a shared foreign administration, the European External Action Service (EEAS), which today mostly focuses on peace-keeping missions as well as trying to share the union’s values regarding human rights, an independent judiciary, and democracy.

The war in Syria, however, is a sad testament to how the EU today cannot do anything concrete to intervene and put a stop to the mass slaughter that is taking place. I argue that we must change this in the years to come, so that the EU takes greater responsibility for peace and security in the world than it does today.

In order to achieve this, the EU must have a shared stance on security and foreign intervention, and that demands more in depth cooperation about what we want out from our foreign and security policy.

It is clear that the European Parliament elections next year will be make-or-break the future of the EU. We must realize that the time of the sovereign national state is over. We have to dare to admit that Sweden is dependent on the rest of Europe and that we have everything to gain from more in depth cooperation, also when it comes to security and defence.

I am convinced that a more in depth cooperation with our Nordic and European friends will guarantee both security and an effective defence.

Swedish Liberal Party MEP Cecilia Wikström.

This op-ed was originally published in Swedish in the Upsala Nya Tidning newspaper.

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BREXIT

OPINION: Pre-Brexit Brits in Europe should be given EU long-term residency

The EU has drawn up plans to make it easier for non-EU citizens to gain longterm EU residency so they can move more easily around the bloc, but Italy-based citizens' rights campaigner Clarissa Killwick says Brits who moved to the EU before Brexit are already losing out.

OPINION: Pre-Brexit Brits in Europe should be given EU long-term residency

With all the talk about the EU long-term residency permit and the proposed improvements there is no mention that UK citizens who are Withdrawal Agreement “beneficiaries” are currently being left out in the cold.

The European Commission has stated that we can hold multiple statuses including the EU long-term permit (Under a little-known EU law, third-country nationals can in theory acquire EU-wide long-term resident status if they have lived ‘legally’ in an EU country for at least five years) but in reality it is just not happening.

This effectively leaves Brits locked into their host countries while other third country nationals can enjoy some mobility rights. As yet, in Italy, it is literally a question of the computer saying no if someone tries to apply.

The lack of access to the EU long-term permit to pre-Brexit Brits is an EU-wide issue and has been flagged up to the European Commission but progress is very slow.

READ ALSO: EU government settle on rules for how non-EU citizens could move around Europe

My guess is that few UK nationals who already have permanent residency status under the Withdrawal Agreement are even aware of the extra mobility rights they could have with the EU long-term residency permit – or do not even realise they are two different things.

Perhaps there won’t be very large numbers clamouring for it but it is nothing short of discrimination not to make it accessible to British people who’ve built their lives in the EU.

They may have lost their status as EU citizens but nothing has changed concerning the contributions they make, both economically and socially.

An example of how Withdrawal Agreement Brits in Italy are losing out

My son, who has lived almost his whole life here, wanted to study in the Netherlands to improve his employment prospects.

Dutch universities grant home fees rather than international fees to holders of an EU long-term permit. The difference in fees for a Master’s, for example, is an eye-watering €18,000. He went through the application process, collecting the requisite documents, making the payments and waited many months for an appointment at the “questura”, (local immigration office).

On the day, it took some persuading before they agreed he should be able to apply but then the whole thing was stymied because the national computer system would not accept a UK national. I am in no doubt, incidentally, that had he been successful he would have had to hand in his WA  “carta di soggiorno”.

This was back in February 2022 and nothing has budged since then. In the meantime, it is a question of pay up or give up for any students in the same boat as my son. There is, in fact, a very high take up of the EU long-term permit in Italy so my son’s non-EU contemporaries do not face this barrier.

Long-term permit: The EU’s plan to make freedom of movement easier for non- EU nationals 

Completing his studies was stalled by a year until finally his Italian citizenship came through after waiting over 5 years.  I also meet working adults in Italy with the EU long-term permit who use it for work purposes, such as in Belgium and Germany, and for family reunification.  

Withdrawal agreement card should double up as EU long-term residency permit

A statement that Withdrawal Agreement beneficiaries should be able to hold multiple statuses is not that easy to find. You have to scroll quite far down the page on the European Commission’s website to find a link to an explanatory document. It has been languishing there since March 2022 but so far not proved very useful.

It has been pointed out to the Commission that the document needs to be multilingual not just in English and “branded” as an official communication from the Commission so it can be used as a stand-alone. But having an official document you can wave at the immigration authorities is going to get you nowhere if Member State governments haven’t acknowledged that WA beneficiaries can hold multiple statuses and issue clear guidance and make sure systems are modified accordingly.

I can appreciate this is no mean feat in countries where they do not usually allow multiple statuses or, even if they do, issue more than one residency card. Of course, other statuses we should be able to hold are not confined to EU long-term residency, they should include the EU Blue Card, dual nationality, family member of an EU citizen…

Personally, I do think people should be up in arms about this. The UK and EU negotiated an agreement which not only removed our freedom of movement as EU citizens, it also failed to automatically give us equal mobility rights to other third country nationals. We are now neither one thing nor the other.

It would seem the only favour the Withdrawal Agreement did us was we didn’t have to go out and come back in again! Brits who follow us, fortunate enough to get a visa, may well pip us at the post being able to apply for EU long-term residency as clearly defined non-EU citizens.

I have been bringing this issue to the attention of the embassy in Rome, FCDO and the European Commission for three years now. I hope we will see some movement soon.

Finally, there should be no dragging of heels assuming we will all take citizenship of our host countries. Actually, we shouldn’t have to, my son was fortunate, even though it took a long time. Others may not meet the requirements or wish to give up their UK citizenship in countries which do not permit dual nationality.  

Bureaucratic challenges may seem almost insurmountable but why not simply allow our Withdrawal Agreement permanent card to double up as the EU long-term residency permit.

Clarissa Killwick,

Since 2016, Clarissa has been a citizens’ rights campaigner and advocate with the pan-European group, Brexpats – Hear Our Voice.
She is co-founder and co-admin of the FB group in Italy, Beyond Brexit – UK citizens in Italy.

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