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JOHN LICHFIELD

OPINION: Like it or not, French voters made Le Pen the ‘referee’ over any new PM

When it comes to France finding a new prime minister, far-right leader Marine Le Pen seems to have become the key player in deciding who it will be, but it's French voters and not President Emmanuel Macron who are responsible for that, writes John Lichfield.

OPINION: Like it or not, French voters made Le Pen the 'referee' over any new PM
French far-right Rassemblement National (RN) leader and Member of Parliament Marine Le Pen (L) is escorted by France's President Emmanuel Macron after talks at the presidential Elysee Palace, in Paris, on June 21, 2022, two days after France's legislative elections. (Photo by Ludovic MARIN / various sources / AFP)

Wanted, Prime Minister. No experience necessary.

Must be acceptable to new National Assembly which cannot agree on anything. Length of employment uncertain.

A new “old” name has emerged today in France’s game of political whack-a-mole.

President Emmanuel Macron will ‘test’ whether Michel Barnier, 73, former EU commissioner and Brexit negotiator, is sufficiently respected as an elder statesman (very elder) to survive in the job for more than a few days.

Three other candidates seemed destined to move into the Hotel Matignon in the last few days.

They were Bernard Cazeneuve, the ex- Socialist PM; Xavier Bertrand, centre-right President of the northern French region, Hauts-de-France; and Thierry Baudet, centre-left president of the Economic and  Social Committee, a powerless third chamber of the French parliament which is usually allowed to sleep undisturbed.

All had their 15 minutes of fame. All were finally rejected by President Emmanuel Macron when it became clear that they would be rapidly removed from office by a censure motion in the new National Assembly elected almost two months ago.

In all three cases, the final thumbs down came after Macron consulted Marine Le Pen.

Pity poor Emmanuel Macron. No one else much does, so I will. The crisis is partly of his making. But the insoluble arithmetic of the new National Assembly is of The People’s making.

There are three and a half ideological blocs. No party, group or block has anything approaching a majority.

The Centre, Right and Far Right say that they will censure the obscure PM, Lucie Castets, proposed by the Left. The Left will censure any PM from the Right or Centre, even one from the centre-left. The Far Right will de facto combine with the Left to censure all comers from the Centre, Centre-left and Centre-Right.

READ ALSO: Macron is not staging a coup, nor is he ‘stealing’ the French elections

And the French media mocks Macron for “failing to make up his mind”…

Le Monde says that Macron has ‘made Marine Le Pen the referee’ of who should be the next PM. France’s once reliable newspaper of record says that Macron believes “that the opinion of the Far Right leader counts double”.

What nonsense.

Like it or not, French voters have made Le Pen and her parliamentary troops (142 seats out of 577) the swing votes in the new assembly. Macron has no choice but to consult her – as he has consulted all other parties.

It may seem odd that Le Pen is in such a powerful position two months after the Far Right was defeated on July 7th. It is odd – and dangerous.

Le Pen originally said that her deputies would not necessarily censure any new PM. She has changed her mind, making the difficult numbers of the new assembly impossible.

Le Pen’s camp lost in July because the Left and Centre combined to vote against them. Logic might suggest that the Left and Centre, having ‘won’ the election, should agree on a compromise government.

That is Belgian or German political logic. It does not extend to France.

The Left claims it has the right to govern alone because it won a few more seats than any other bloc (but only one in three of seats overall).

Macron’s centre and the centre-right refuse to govern with a left alliance dominated by the radical, anti-European, pro-Russian and pro-Hamas La France Insoumise.

The Left alliance this week refused Macron’s suggestion that the last Socialist PM, Bernard Cazeneuve, should return at the head of a left-centre coalition. They said that would just be an extension of Macronism.

Cazeneuve, it turns out, was not so Macronist as all that. He wanted to reopen Macron’s pension reform and maybe shift the standard pension age back to 62 (from 64). That was not enough to win him the support of the four party Left alliance and not even of the Parti Socialiste, to whom he used to belong. It also cooled Macron’s interest in his former friend and colleague.

The other possibilities tested by Macron – Bertrand and Beaudet (rapidly nick-named “Mr Nobeaudet”) – failed because they were rejected by both the Left and then the Far Right. The numbers simply could not add up.

Is there any reason to believe that Michel Barnier might survive the “Le Pen test”?  Her position is difficult to read.

She originally seemed to favour a period of stability in which her party could rebuild after its third defeat in seven years. She faces an embarrassing legal trial from the end of this month in which she and her party are accused of embezzling EU cash by employing fake officials in the European Parliament.

Le Pen seems to have decided to play hard ball. So long as Left and Centre refuse to combine, she has the casting votes on a new PM. She can refuse all candidates and build the pressure on Emmanuel Macron to clear the logjam by resigning.

But does she really want an early Presidential election? Does she want to be identified with ‘chaos’ rather than ‘order’?

Does she want to create deeper crisis and confusion when France already faces impossible choices on both its 2024 and 2025 budgets?

I expect not. I may be wrong.

She says she is ready to accept a ‘technocratic’ PM.

Michel Barnier has been removed from French party politics for so long that he might fit that description. But he is associated in Far Right minds with the EU (which they detest) and resisting Brexit (which they once loved but now carefully ignore).

I expect that we will have a new PM shortly, either M. Barnier or U.N. Autre. But the impossibility of coalition or even loose understanding between the Left and the Centre has handed the permanent power of nuisance or destruction to Marine Le Pen.

While the Left bays to bring down any new government, she can terminate the career of the new PM by joining a left-wing censure motion whenever she wants.

Do you agree with John’s views on who is to blame for the ongoing political crisis in France. Share your own views in the comments section below.

Member comments

  1. Macron has made Le Pen the referee. He could have made LFI or at least NPF the referee. All he would have had to do was pressure his party to support the NFP candidate. Instead, he, and the rest of the right wing (who like to call themselves “centrists” because it provides distance from Le Pens racism) insist “any Left candidate would be voted down” – meaning “I will vote them down”. It’s an obvious power play. If the “centrists” wouldn’t vote down a left candidate, then a left candidate would survive. But alas, the Assembly will vote down the left – so the “centrists” hands (those same hands voting down the left) are tied. What a conundrum!

    You even said it right here:

    “Macron’s centre and the centre-right refuse to govern with a left alliance dominated by the radical, anti-European, pro-Russian and pro-Hamas La France Insoumise.”

    Of course, you added in all the fear mongering adjectives a good rightist (sorry, “centrist”) opinion writer needs to convince the people of his right opinion.

    I’m shocked, SHOCKED I say, that Lichfield carries water for Macron’s consistent right-ward push. Any concept that Macron has influence on his own party? Nonsense! Bring on the austerity – sacrifice the people!

    Thanks, Lichfield.

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POLITICS

Jupiter’s fall? France’s Macron cuts diminished figure in shake-up

For the past seven years, President Emmanuel Macron has basked in the largely undivided attention of the French nation, enjoying freedom in shaping the country's foreign and domestic policy.

Jupiter's fall? France's Macron cuts diminished figure in shake-up

The appointment of Michel Barnier, a 73-year-old traditional conservative, as Macron’s new prime minister on Thursday marks the beginning of a new era for a president who once famously said he wanted to rule like Jupiter, the Roman god of the sky and thunder.

Under the new power-sharing arrangement that the Elysee presidential palace calls an era of “demanding coexistence”, Macron will cut a diminished figure both at home and abroad.

“We won’t have the same presidency,” said Anne-Charlene Bezzina, an expert in public law.

“It’s up to the prime minister to get his hands dirty, to build alliances and coalitions. He’s the one who’ll be caught in the National Assembly’s crossfire.”

The appointment of Barnier marked a potential turning point following two months of political chaos in the wake of snap elections called by Macron that left no group close to an overall majority in the National Assembly lower house of parliament.

Barnier, a former foreign minister who acted as the European Union’s Brexit negotiator, quickly indicated he would be his own man.

“The president will preside and the government will govern,” Barnier, the oldest premier in the history of modern France, said on Friday evening.

Macron is expected to be the “guarantor” of France’s institutions and no longer dictate government policy.

Having been known for his top-down leadership style since coming to power in 2017, observers say Macron will have to learn humility.

‘Can’t stand still’

The Elysee presidential office and Matignon, the office of the French prime minister, will no longer share advisers, as has been the case for the past seven years, and Macron’s advisers will no longer attend interministerial meetings.

Barnier will be in charge of the budget, security, immigration and healthcare, and will have to take into account the interests of the far-right National Rally, the single largest party in a fragmented parliament, to avoid a motion of no confidence.

Barnier, a member of the right-wing Republicans (LR) party who is not affiliated with the president’s centrist faction, has promised “change”.

“We’re going to do more than just talk,” he said.

But some are sceptical that Macron will be able to take a back seat on the home front.

“Emmanuel Macron can’t stand still. He won’t be able to remain on the sidelines,” said a former presidential adviser, asking not to be named. “At the slightest jolt, he’ll be back.”

Political scientist Vincent Martigny said he would be surprised if Macron “stopped intervening”.

“Politicians don’t change, least of all Macron,” said Martigny. “They have a method, a personality.”

Macron’s parliamentary group, Ensemble pour la Republique, which has 99 seats, has ruled out any “unconditional” support for Barnier but is expected to be the government’s main bulwark in the lower house.

Several outgoing ministers could also be reappointed, with powerful Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin letting it be known he is keen to stay on, possibly with a promotion to the foreign ministry.

Bezzina said that Barnier comes from the centre right, and “it would be incredible” if he became “a violent opponent of someone whose matrix is relatively compatible”.

 ‘He’s proud’

The shifting political landscape also gives Macron, who has long been criticised for being arrogant and disconnected from reality, an opportunity to reconnect with the French people.

“In the coming weeks, he’ll want to have direct contact with the French,” said an outgoing minister, asking not to be named.

Barnier’s predecessor Gabriel Attal, 35, was France’s youngest-ever prime minister and sparked inevitable comparisons to Macron, who became France’s youngest president at the age of 39.

“He’s a little bit like my little brother,” Macron quipped in June.

The relationship dynamic will be very different between Macron and Barnier, who has a half-century career behind him, observers say.

“He’s proud,” a former minister said of Barnier. “Will he be a puppet? I don’t think so.”

Guillaume Klossa, president of the EuropaNova think tank, struck a similar note.

“He’s never been anyone’s vassal,” he said.

Barnier said that he was open to naming ministers of all political stripes, including “people from the left”.

“He’ll want to choose ministers he considers best for the country himself,” said Klossa.

Political analysts warn that France’s political crisis might be far from over.

Eurasia Group risk analysis firm said that Barnier is likely to have minority support in the Assembly, and the far right’s Marine Le Pen will be key to his hopes of success.

She can bring down the Barnier government “whenever she chooses”, it said. “Le Pen’s position could change at any moment.”

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