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POLITICS IN SWEDEN

OPINION: Sweden Democrats have only themselves to blame for election setback

Sweden Democrat leader Jimmie Åkesson normally serves a cleaned-up, easily digestible version of far-right politics. This election he gave voters the real thing. It's no surprise fewer were ready to swallow, writes The Local's Nordic editor, Richard Orange.

OPINION: Sweden Democrats have only themselves to blame for election setback
The Sweden Democrats' lead MEP Charlie Weimers (right) together with the other top candidate Beatrice Timgren at the election vigial on Sunday. Photo: Pontus Lundahl/TT

Ten years ago, foreign journalists writing about the rapid rise of the far-right Sweden Democrats, used to describe the party’s leader, Jimmie Åkesson, as “every Swedish mother’s ideal son-in-law”.

This was the man who had joined a fringe neo-Nazi party and detoxified it, kicking out anyone revealed to be overtly racist rather than more acceptably “culturally nationalist”, and given it a smiling, well-presented front, with his neat haircut, chinos, and heavy use of the word rimligt (“reasonable”). 

But that changed when the party was at the start of last month hit by the mother of all journalistic stings.

A reporter from the broadcaster TV4 managed to get hired first by Riks, the supposedly independent YouTube channel, and then by the party’s communications division, and went on to show how the party uses anonymous social media accounts to attack its supposed political allies and to spread disinformation, with people internally calling it a trollfabrik or “troll farm”. 

It’s been the biggest political scandal in Sweden in years. But the damage to the Sweden Democrats came arguably less from the revelations themselves, than from how they reacted to them. 

Åkesson could have claimed the communications division had gone rogue, apologised and sacked the main offenders, and then pledged to stop using anonymous accounts in future. But instead he went on the offensive.

In a speech on Youtube, he claimed the investigation was part of a conspiracy – “a gigantic, domestic propaganda operation launched by the entire left-liberal establishment”. He then attacked politicians, journalists and activists as a klägg, meaning literally a “sticky morass”, a concept similar to Donald Trump’s “swamp”.

Sweden Democrat party leader Jimmie Åkesson gives a speech after the Sweden Democrats experienced their first ever retreat in an election on Sunday. Photo: Pontus Lundahl/TT

This set the tone for an election campaign where the party seemed to return to its early 1990s roots, with a slogan Mitt Europa bygger murar or “My Europe builds walls”, used to tie together hard-edged campaign videos. One, for instance, showed, a crowd of black, African migrants coursing down a street in Spain, before a cartoon wall comes down followed by the slogan, “My Europe builds walls”.

Åkesson then wrote an opinion piece in the Expressen newspaper in which he claimed Sweden was undergoing, or had undergone, a folkutbyte – literally “a replacement of peoples”, language he knew full well was used by Swedish neo-Nazis promoting the Great Replacement conspiracy theory, meaning it was guaranteed to enrage left and liberal journalists and dominate headlines for a few days.  

The plan was presumably to maximise publicity and to mobilise the party’s core voters, who are among the least likely to bother to turn out in EU elections.

Instead, the shift to more extreme rhetoric seems to have scared more moderate voters off. And a recording from the party’s election vigil of the Sweden Democrat MP David Lång singing the German racist song Ausländer raus, meaning “foreigners out!”, will mean that some, at least, will not regret their decision. 

With 94 percent of votes counted, the party is at 13.2 percent, down 2.2 percentage points on what it got in the last EU elections in 2019. On the face of it, that is not so dramatic.

As Åkesson was quick to stress in his speech at the party’s election vigil, the party has kept all three of its seats in the European parliament, so its power in Brussels remains undiminished, but he admitted the result was a disappointment. 

“We’re going to need to analyse why we didn’t grow but instead only kept our three seats – but don’t forget that we did keep our three mandates,” he said to cheers from supporters. 

He also seemed to defend the combative approach the party had taken after TV4’s troll farm revelations. 

“We are the Sweden Democrats. We are not a party that follows the herd or folds when someone else thinks we should. We are not a party that just lies down flat and says sorry,” he said. 

But for a party which has increased its share of the vote at every single election – both national and European – since it was founded in 1988, this is a watershed.

For Åkesson, it will come as a warning that the more radical politics and rhetoric his party has been flirting with since it gained real power in the Tidö Agreement with the three government parties – most notably in the provocative statements about Muslims made by the MP Richard Jomshof – may be too much for some its voters to stomach.

Politics in Sweden is The Local’s weekly analysis, guide or look ahead to what’s coming up in Swedish politics. Update your newsletter settings to receive it directly to your inbox. 

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POLITICS IN SWEDEN

Politics in Sweden: What’s in the Social Democrats’ plan to eradicate Sweden’s ‘vulnerable areas’?

The Social Democrats have given a sneak preview of their plan to eradicate Sweden's so-called 'vulnerable areas', where extreme segregation is combined with severe crime problems. Would it make a difference?

Politics in Sweden: What's in the Social Democrats' plan to eradicate Sweden's 'vulnerable areas'?

With “strategic demolitions” in the most segregated and crime-ridden housing areas, a ban on people on benefits moving into them, and a limit on the share of rental housing in such areas, the plan sketched out in an opinion piece in the Svenska Dagbladet newspaper on Sunday is the boldest new policy proposal the Social Democrats have made in years. 

It’s basically a sanitised version of the “ghetto plan” launched in Denmark back in 2018. 

And judging by the reaction – with right-wing commentators decrying what they call tvångsblandning (forced mixing) and bussning (using buses to swap pupils between areas) and left-wing ones decrying the demolition plans and proposals to let educated people jump rental queues, it promises to be almost as controversial. 

But what’s the alternative, Lawen Redar, the Social Democrat MP who led the working group on segregation, asked Swedish public broadcaster SVT on Sunday. 

“Should we just leave the situation like it is today?” she said of Sweden’s 59 problem housing areas, in some of which 80 percent or more have an immigrant background. “I am extremely frustrated over this. Something must be done.” 

What are the Social Democrats proposing? 

Redar and her three colleagues made 11 proposals in their article: 

1. A national list of “vulnerable areas” with a set of targets to promote: the physical reconstruction of the areas to combat segregation and promote integration; a better mix in the population; an increase in the use of Swedish language in welfare services; bold moves to increase the amount of people in work; and an increased police presence to fight criminality.

2. Central government to hold so-called “Sweden negotiations” with municipalities to jointly fund physical improvement of the areas, by new building, densification, strategic demolitions, and new traffic and public transport solutions. 

3. A limit to the proportion of rental apartments in vulnerable areas. Areas with high levels of rental apartments would be required to take action to increase the share of private and cooperative housing. 

4. Government to give credit guarantees to companies building detached, semi-detached, and terraced houses in vulnerable areas.

5. Government funds for renovation and upgrading of “Million Programme” areas. 

6. Minimum income for those moving to vulnerable areas. Landlords would be banned from renting out property in vulnerable areas to anyone who has lived off benefits in the last six months. 

7. People with university degrees would be given priority in the queue for rental apartments in vulnerable areas.

8. New regulations to prevent landlords setting high income requirements for rental properties outside vulnerable areas. 

9. Government to give credit guarantees and other forms of investment support to companies building affordable rental apartments outside vulnerable areas. 

10. An inquiry into how to increase the share of rental properties owned by non-profit and public housing companies outside vulnerable areas 

11. An inquiry into how to give municipalities first right to bidding on socially important and strategic land. 

What’s the problem? 

Although Sweden’s recent epidemic of gang shootings has been blamed by many on the country’s extreme housing segregation, Redar and her colleagues said that this was far from the only problem. 

Fully 40 percent of adults between the ages of 20-64 in Sweden’s 59 “vulnerable areas” cannot support themselves through their work, three out of 10 children in such areas leave secondary school without the grades needed to go to upper secondary school or gymnasium.

Part of Sweden’s segregation problem, as Lawar recognised, is built into the architecture. The Social Democrats’ “Million Homes programme”, enacted between the mid 1960s and the mid-1970s, may have rescued people from slum conditions, but it also created a series of isolated urban communities on the outskirts of Sweden’s cities, often cut off from the rest of towns and cities by motorway ring-roads. 

Although they were initially built for working-class ethnic Swedes, as the rate of immigration to Sweden picked up in the 1980s,1990s and early 2000s, Swedes became outnumbered as part of so-called “white flight”.  

Fully 80 percent of those living in the so called “especially vulnerable areas” now have a foreign background, a share that rises to above 90 percent in five of the most segregated districts. 

“We believe that there is no more important task for Sweden than breaking segregation and fighting the class society. No task is more urgent,” Redar and her colleagues wrote in their article.

“The fact that children and young people are growing up in this cemented inequality is nothing less than a social failure which brings shame to our country. It must come to an end.”  

What are opponents saying about it? 

Fredrik Kopsch from the right-wing Timbro thinktank complained that efforts to increase the number of people with immigrant backgrounds in middle class and rich areas of Swedish cities would not work. 

“The income requirement [for rental apartments] will be reduced through the law, and state subsidies will create cheap rental apartmments in socio-economically strong areas. It is detached from reality to think that this will help deprived people,” he wrote in an article in Svenska Dagbladet.  

Will it help the Social Democrats? 

The Social Democrats were criticised for lacking concrete policy proposals, both in the run-up to the 2022 general election and in their first year and a half in opposition. 

With this proposal, together with a proposal to make kindergarten compulsory for children over three years old, that has changed. 

If the rest of the 11 policy working groups set to present their conclusions at the party’s congress in August come up with similarly detailed proposals, the party will be overflowing with new ideas. 

While this will finally give its politicians something to say for themselves, it will also make them easier to attack. 

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